Their Essence, Consequences, and Eradication

by   MARIAN WASILEWSKI

Translated from Polish by Alexandra Chciuk-Celt, Ph.D., assisted by Wanda Jaeckel

Published by Polish-American Ethnic Committee, Inc. New Jersey Chapter, 27 Netherwood Pl. , Newark , New Jersey 07106

Newark 1987

Copyright 1985 by Marian Wasilewski

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photo-copying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author.

ISBN 0-9612122-1-7

Library of Congress TXU 228 229

Manufactured by A.R. Poray Publications

Printed in the United States of America, 1987

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TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION

When referring to the psychological roots of Communism, most of us tend to think of industrial man’s understandable yearning for a simpler era in which people cooperated with one another voluntarily and were personally involved with all aspects of their work. Unfortunately, as anthropologists already know, the progression from a communistic band of hunter-gatherers to a more organized agricultural tribe, and from thence to a specialized society based on the invention of money, is quite irreversible, largely because any non-perishable medium of exchange such as stored grain or cash makes people less willing to share what can be hoarded. As Peter Farb eloquently documented in his Humankind, in the absence of refrigeration or money, the best place to store extra meat is in someone else’s belly; when that other person catches some game, he will then share it with you in the hunter-gatherer spirit of reciprocity. Money, however, changes all that; the first complaint made by the elders of a formerly cashless tribe is that young people suddenly stop sharing when they begin to earn a living.

In the long run, any attempt to superimpose primitive communism upon a modern society must involve force to counteract what turns out to have been natural selfishness all along. This explains why the Soviet-bloc countries are police states and why Communism has been most successful in feudal agricultural societies whose members were already accustomed to despotism to begin with.

The author has chosen to reveal the repressive substratum of the Fascist aspect of communism, and with good reason: the enemy is not ideology, but pathology. A Plato in reverse, he eloquently documents how psychopathological mechanisms such as repression, projection, isolation, and deliberate misinformation serve to maintain the mass narcissism of a system literally based on mendacity. Like a neurotic mother who subconsciously hates her child but cannot consciously admit it, Communist apparatchiks profess perfect love for their people, projecting their hatred and fear onto the outside world, simultaneously outlawing the direct interaction which would disprove their contention and maintaining an artificial cohesion witch would probably collapse in the absence of an external “threat.”

They also discourage experimentation (much as a neurotic mother denies her child personal freedom), which of course explains both the Soviets’ stagnation and their tendency to “borrow” Western inventions. One seriously wonders what they would do if they did not have a West to revile and rob. I would like to adduce two highly significant examples of mendacious stagnation in the Soviet bloc: (1) there is no unemployment insurance because everyone has a right to work (!) and (2) Lamarckianism, not Darwinism, rules the mechanics of human society, which means t people are subject to artificial, not natural, selection. Westerners consider the economy analogous to nature, weeds and all; the Soviets believe it to be a garden containing only permissible and obedient organisms. An example: vacationers in Sochi sunbathe standing up because they were told it was better for the system. It is. Better, that is, for the system which needs beach space for other things.

Like the children of deeply disturbed parents, Soviet citizens blindly believe and repeat their government’s dreary slogans, manufacture elaborate justifications for its lies, turn on each other or on outsiders rather than question officials’ abusive practices, and generally exhibit the negative obsessions, Irrational rages, and sentimental devotion which are typical of narcissists. For instance, Gorbachev is “someone we could finally mourn if he died.” What American citizen would consider mourn worthiness a useful administrative attribute?

Lastly, the Soviet bloc is extremely suspicious of any kind of psychotherapy because it renders an individual’s right to happiness and personal freedom more important than any state construct. (Rather, they use psychiatry as a tool of repression and social control, quite similar in function to the Churc h’s Inquisition.) I would even go one step further: psychotherapy would endanger the very fabric of the state by undermining the mass neurosis on which the latter is based

Let me express myself in clearer detail. In my opinion, any government is merely the family writ large; it is impossible for the former to be gentle and democratic if the latter is cruel and autocratic. From my experience, Eastern European child-rearing practices are frankly abusive when compared to the American average, besides which we must remember that abused children have the tendency to become abusive parents. It is my contention that the people of the Soviet bloc tolerate Communist Fascism because it effectively duplicates their family structure and is thus perceived as “normal.” Translating Alice Miller’s Thou Shalt Not Be Aware, Erich Fromm’s Anatomy of Human Destructiveness, M.S. Peck’s The Road Less Traveled, and Arthur Janov’s Primal Scream into the Soviet-bloc languages would be one of the most revolutionary acts imaginable because it would deprive the power elite of its most potent weapon, namely the substratum of servile obedience and repressed anger which renders Soviet political and military behavior so brutal and unpredictable. However, since it is unlikely that we will be allowed to use our knowledge about child abuse in order to improve Russian families, we should rather apply it for the purpose of predicting and, if need be, manipulating the behavior of Soviet representatives.

The author cautions against execrating Soviet leaders to their people, which makes great psychological sense: an abused child will attack any outsider who impugns his parents’ motives or behavior. He also predicts that the present leaders will be less paranoid than their predecessors because their own crimes are fewer, and suggests that undermining the Soviet information monopoly would definitely be a step in the right direction. I would venture to add that Gorbachev is only temporarily serious about arms control; the USSR is overextended in Afghanistan , Vietnam , and Cuba , and thus needs a short economic “breather.”

Furthermore, this study is not within the spirit of the “culture and personality” school of anthropology, much of which has been discredited due to its oversimplifications. The author is not attempting to reduce the sum total of today’s Soviet personality to a single alleged cause, as the above school tried to do in Russian rage to the practice of swaddling infants; rather, he is revealing an endemic pathology which is quite predictable once its mechanisms are known.

We sincerely wish that we were wrong and that a monograph such as this one were not necessary. Under the circumstances, however, may we hope that it can help Westerners understand the Soviet-bloc mentality; so far, we have steadily been losing ground due in part to our attempt to fit Soviet behavior into our own non-pathological frame of mind. In the USSR , the “off with his head” Queen in Alice in Wonderland (”whatever I tell you three times is true!”) and M*A*S*H’s Frank Burns would be entirely too powerful and dangerous to strike anyone as funny.

PUBLISHER’S NOTE TO THE ORIGINAL POLISH EDITIONT

The writings introduced here consist of five articles of a general scientific nature written by a Polish scientist from Wroclaw who happened to be in America at the onset of martial law in Poland .

The author has a mathematical and technical education and is an expert in the field of industrial organization, in which he has published several works. During the past decade, he has worked on inter-disciplinary studies in the area of philosophy, psychology, and the natural sciences. In this period, due to the political conditions in Poland , not all of his work was published. However, some of it will soon appear on the American and European markets.

In these articles, the author presents a provocative interpretation of contemporary political events within the framework of hypothetical “general rules of dissociation,” with reference to social phenomena.

Stanislaw Strzelecki

AUTHOR’S FOREWORD

This work, initially intended as a series of articles prepared for the Polish-American Ethnic Committee, now constitutes a unified, although somewhat condensed, whole composed of five parts. It started during my writing of a larger discourse. Consciousness and the so-called Secret Knowledge, a practical illustration of nature’s “universal law of dissociation” with reference to psychological and social phenomena.

The inspiration for this work was the events occurring in Poland and throughout the world, which I tried to portray primarily as an example of this “universal law.” Therefore, this work is only a partial contribution to the overall theme indicated in the title.

Perhaps some expressions contained in this text should have been enclosed in quotation marks. If I offended any of the authors, I offer my deepest apologies. Unfortunately, I was unable to obtain the literature I had researched in Poland , which made my work very difficult.

I thank my wife Grażyna Kiełkowska-Wasilewska for her help and many valuable remarks, and also Mirosław Chojecki, Bożena Grossman, Paweł Kontny, Stanisław Kozikowski, Jerzy Stajszczyk, Stanisław Strzelecki, Wenceslas J. Wagner, and all those friends who contributed to the publication of this work.

Thanks also to my translator Alexandra Chciuk-Celt for her encouraging ideas, conscientiousness and creativity.

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I. THE POLITICAL DIVISION OF THE WORLD

Why, Arjuna, in this decisive moment of danger, are you overcome by this shameful despair, unworthy of a warrior, which closes the heavens and leads to disgrace? (1). Bhagavad-Gita (II - 2)

There is an ancient Indian legend in which the god Shiva takes part in an endless dance of happiness with his divine wife Shakhty . Their children are the forms of the manifested world. In Chinese culture, there are two elements, Yin and Yang, which, in creating the world, determine each other and cannot exist independently. In our own times, we talk of the twofold nature of all existence. And although our intuition tries to tell us of the basic unity of all matter, our senses and intellect assure us that everything is bipolar and has an opposite. Philosophers and scientists call this phenomenon the binary polarization of existence.

Much points to the fact that this dissociation, which we must accept as a universal law, also occurs in social life. It can even be seen in ancient Biblical symbolism, as in the contrasting characters of Abel and Cain. Every historical period gives us numerous examples of this dissociation. Today’s political division of the world is also an expression thereof.

The two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union , constitute the poles of this division. They are opposite on all points-world outlook, ideology, politics, and ethics - although in the most general sense they both derive from the same human cultural heritage. Between these poles there exists a tension which expresses these differences. Colloquially, one speaks of two systems: die democratic (or pluralistic) and the totalitarian.

In each system, countless divisions and lesser, secondary tensions are drawn on various levels of social life (2). They arise as the result of various inter-systemic processes, creating a complicated, opaque mosaic. That is how tensions between democratic and totalitarian countries are created, as well as various conflicts within the countries.

As we observe this complicated game dividing the world with social and individual tensions, we are struck by its similarity to the behavior of energy as regards the structure of physics. By analogy to physics’ law of the conservation of energy, we might postulate that the aggregate number of tensions in the world does not significantly vary within historically short periods. Therefore, a simple conclusion is that if tension between the main poles increases, the secondary conflicts decrease . Thus, when the main tensions diminish, that causes the growth of secondary, internal conflicts.

This is a known social law. Taking practical advantage of it is the daily bread of politicians. The Soviet Union , for example, cannot give up manufacturing arms and proclaiming its alleged danger from outside, because if external tensions were to decrease, internal tensions would undoubtedly grow, which would be dangerous for the power elite in a totalitarian country. A classic example of using this rule is the recent action of the Iranian leader Khomeini in taking the American hostages. This maneuver, by creating an outer conflict with the United States , allowed him to weaken inner tensions in Iran . A subsequent action lessening this inner tension was the Iranian involvement in the war with Iraq . If the war were won, that would also create a favorable political climate for settling the conflict with the internal opposition. Similar advantages were sought by the Argentinean generals in the Falklands war. In this case, however, the maneuver was not successful.

Coming back to the two main systems, we can easily notice their various effects on the social productive powers, especially in a long term perspective. The democratic system liberates those powers, while the totalitarian system restrains them. Let us look at two aspects of the action of productive powers: production and creativity. This distinction is all the more essential because today production is a group action, somewhat derivative because it can be organized according to the appropriate technology. But what is accepted in our culture as a creative act is always the deed of an individual (3). This is not changed by the fact that groups of people work on creating modern technology. Creative thought or discovery is always born in the mind of a single person. Other people may only create the conditions favorable to its formation, and later develop and improve it. That is the economic rationale for the special protection of the individual human being and the preservation of his motivation for creative effort. The lack of such protection and motivation in communist countries has a disastrous effect on all creativity and the development of technology and culture, although this is not the only factor restraining creative power in a totalitarian system (4). It seems appropriate here to quote a businessman to the effect that in the West, man creates, whereas in the East the devil mocks and robs him. In order to fully appreciate this joking remark, it suffices to compare the amount, quality, and selection of products, especially consumer goods, in countries belonging to the opposite systems. The penetration of Western democratic countries by agents of communist economic and military espionage is a well-known fact.

And now for a specific situation. In the democratic system, producing something usually poses no problem. There is, however, a problem in finding customers for the products; paying for them is a natural expression of their usefulness and reinforces the motivation of the creator’s endeavors. In a totalitarian system, the opposite occurs: it is difficult to create anything; however, there is usually no problem in finding customers. But when a totalitarian country has some natural resources which it can trade, then the economic cooperation of the two systems seems to be natural and profitable to both sides. And it does exist, sometimes even in spite of contradictory ideologies, politics, and morals.

Of the two superpowers, the Soviet Union gains more through this cooperation. This gain, however, does not raise the people’s standard of living, because most of it goes into arms, propaganda, and new conquests.

It is a different story in the United States . Avoiding a detailed critique of this situation, we may say that the desire for economic gain plays a big role. It sometimes camouflages the resulting disastrous political results of such cooperation, which may occur later, in the not-too-distant future. We may admire Lenin’s accuracy when he talked of having the West sell the Soviets the rope with which they will hang it.

Until recently, the Soviets have mainly paid for the imported technology and grain with gold and raw materials - not always directly, of course, but within die framework of the global balance of trade. But years of depressed agricultural production and a deepening economic crisis in the Soviet Union have forced it to take out loans and fall into debt. More recently, the further robbery of Poland and other satellite countries by creating the CMEH Bank (Council of Mutual Economic Help, operating in the communist bloc) could not reverse this process (5). Under these conditions, for example, it would be difficult to break the grain embargo imposed by the United States , not to mention technology transfer. Argentina or any other agricultural country in debt would not be able to sell grain on bad credit - unless, of course, they were to play the role of a paid middleman (6).

Therefore, what is left for the Soviet Union ? Expansionism and military blackmail, which is happening right now, accompanied by the naive and standard slogans of pacifist demonstrators: better red than dead.

But what should the West do? The precise answer to this banal question is difficult. It is said that there are no stupid questions, only stupid answers. A better school of thought teaches us that the key to wisdom is the question itself, i.e. a badly formulated question has no answer. When it is well formulated, the answer is contained within the question. That is how it happens in medicine. When we want to get treatment, we have to know the cause of an illness. Once understood, treatment is easier, and minor preventive measures will often suffice. Unfortunately, modern medicine: usually treats the symptoms by trial and error. The same happens with our desire for peace and happiness; we may want it with all our hearts, but usually we seek it blindly, compounding the problem of the world’s suffering.

Returning to the question of the correct attitude to be adopted by die West, let us allow ourselves a little mental experiment. Let us imagine that communism has disappeared. Quite simply, it never existed. Russia , China , and die other now-enslaved countries have their own historically shaped, non-communist nationality. And what would be the result? Would mere be peace? It is enough to take a look at the Middle East or Northern Ireland to contradict that. The Second World War was not started directly by the communists, although the suffering caused by them is not insignificant.

But let us go one step further. Let us refuse existence to all totalitarianism. Will universal happiness reign? The answer is self-explanatory. According to the law of conservation of energy, the liberation of this gigantic tension potential will demolish the hitherto relatively unified internal structure of the democratic system. There will emerge again two poles of a divided world, as occurs with a broken magnet. The inevitability of this phenomenon is also reflected in the knowledge of the social processes of psychological projection. The objects and “carriers” of projection may, for example, be a nation, race, ideology, or religion, which other people will hate, condemn, and do battle with. This cannot be altered by appeals to common sense, because the process of projection, itself highly emotional, does not respond to any reasoning. We experience it everywhere. Even behind the rational posture of a businessman, there hides an emotional motivation, namely greed. Especially if he intends to use his profit solely or mainly for his own personal goals.

We must agree that these conclusions seem rather embarrassing and can easily be discarded, precisely for emotional reasons. The truth directly exposed, especially the truth about ourselves, is like the sun. It is difficult to look at it directly. We discard it, usually with the help of some generally accepted formula, which allows us to rationalize our outlook to ourselves. For example, we often say “business as usual,” although it is not a question of business, but of a possible necessity of changing our ethical attitude, which is emotionally conditioned. Of course, the author herein has to apply that to himself, because his relationship to totalitarianism, for example, is obviously not free of emotion. It is desirable, however, to have involvement without hate.

If we accept the conclusions drawn here, another question will arise: what is the cause of tensions and social divisions? Any effort to answer this most essential question methodically, based on fact graphic materials and placed in historical perspective, would be much too extensive for this work. A psychological analysis, however, leads us to the conclusion that the cause of tensions and social divisions is the egotism in each one of us, often expressed in aggression and deriving from our deep ignorance about ourselves. On the other hand, there exists a general opinion that egotism, like a snail’s shell, protects man from hostile surroundings. But we aim at mitigating egotism, at creating societies in the spirit of brotherly love, at diminishing this hostility and the totality of tensions in the world (7).

Many psychologists maintain that the main source of any aggression causing individual and social tensions is fear. According to this opinion, an aggressive posture is in reality an unconscious compensation of the displaced altitude of the opposite, expressing the primal fear caused by the dangers of one’s surroundings. In the case of the communist elite, studied on the level of political and social actions, it may be the fear of losing their unlimited privileges, hidden from me people, who are fed ideals of equality. It may also be the fear of their responsibility for past crimes. Stalin described the process of fear changing into aggression: “offense is the best defense,” and “winners are never judged.” These are ancient tactical principles. Nevertheless, aggression in international relations conjures up an understandable fear. The specter of total annihilation is the horror of our times.

On the other hand, it is a known fact that he who is attracted to material goods and privileges is not likely to commit suicide. In reference to the power elite, it would have been a psychological falsehood (8). Modern communism is characterized by deception and cynicism on the part of a privileged elite, not the fanaticism of a sect of frustrated and misled people capable of mass suicide. Because we ignore this knowledge, fear penetrates many people’s hearts, paralyzing their will, and leads them toward blind pacifism, to blind self-betrayal on the difficult road to truth and happiness.

These contemplations, although somewhat enlightening, still do not give us an answer to the essential question: What political approach should we expect from the democratic countries concerned about communist expansionism?

At this stage of our studies, we may presume that the proper attitude of the West is in creating a successful military defensive barrier and in regulating economic relations with the communist bloc so that any of their aggressive or propagandistic actions abroad would be unprofitable. We should, instead, take advantage of economic pressure to influence communist nations with honest and objective information on various social matters in the East and the West: in other words, to break their information monopoly. As a result of this approach, the other tensions dividing the world through political systems should lessen. Using mental shorthand, we might say that this decline of outer tensions, according to the above mentioned rule of energy conservation, will cause an increase of inner tensions in the Soviet Union, which, unable to be directed outwardly, will result in the breakup of the communist system (9).

Naturally, the claim for such an approach by the West toward communism is not new. It was used during the Cold War, and is still in use now, with some modifications. That is how we understand the attempts of Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe to avoid broadcasting emotional outbursts, generalizations, personal attacks on communist leaders, and propaganda, which would direct inner tensions outward against the very countries from which this propaganda ensues.

The activity of these information centers should be effective, not perfunctory, without limiting the funding for this basic program of action. Honest information is the best way to unmask the falsehood which is the mainstay of communism.

But why is such a political position of the West still not sufficiently successful? Searching for an answer to this next question, we enter the most painful of psychological dilemmas, which is and always has been man’s lot.

II. THE REPRESSION AND PROJECTION OF NEGATIVE DESIRES

There stood open the gates to human hearts, I looked into souls like an alchemist peers into jars. I saw what passions man has set on fire. What thoughts he poured for himself, what drugs, what poisons he brewed secretly … Adam Mickiewicz, Visions (10).

Elaborating on today’s division of the world and on the expansionism of communist governments, we must come to the conclusion that it has occurred in spite of military barriers and many sensible political actions. Communism is like an incurable disease. We may subdue the illness at times, but we still cannot entirely eradicate it. For this purpose, as with our fight against cancer, we spend enormous sums. But the results are meager. Evidently in both cases, because we do not know what causes the illness, treatment is applied inappropriately.

To achieve understanding of the sources of communism, let us draw on the accepted and universal law of dissociation, on the bipolar duality which occurs everywhere in nature. In light of this, we shall try to study some psychological processes and their social and political repercussions.

Let us try a remote but stirring and imaginative comparison of some ideas and objects of the psychological and physical world. Namely, let us compare the personality of man to a planet or star. Personality, like a planet, has its mass. It is the sum of all the psychological energy contained in the specific structures of opinions, beliefs, and customs. This mass, as in the case of a planet, is characterized by a certain inertia, a resistance toward outsides forces.

Another phenomenon is egotism. It is something as natural as general gravitation, which causes every object to have a specific weight. Egotism is shared by every person, just as a field of gravitation envelops every planet. No wonder there is a folk saying that the hands of man bend towards himself.

On the other hand, man is a social being, at least insofar as his life depends on his ability to coexist with others. He has to limit and modulate his egotistic desires so as not to disturb his social coexistence which, in the light of the above mentioned analogy, is comparable to me harmony of the heavenly spheres. Here, however, we may end our planetary comparison; after all, a human being is something “richer.”

The model to which man adjusts his desires and aspirations is the system of moral norms, formed socially and exhibited transcendentally, especially in religious experiences. Many of these norms are changed in the historical process of global transformation. But in a specific lime and place, they constitute the socio-ethical “code.” (11)

Conscious of their obligations to the norms of social life, people accept it differently. The accepted norms, however, arc not always followed. They arc broken or bent to various desires. That, in turn, is the source of crime and other disturbances in social life. These matters are well known; therefore, we will bear them in mind but not discuss them here any further.

The basic dilemma which we would like to explain, however, has its source elsewhere, namely in the above mentioned inertia of personality, which docs not allow man to change or break his accepted moral norms. Such a state is characterized by a so-called strong moral position. But what happens when a man with such an outlook is attacked by strong egotistical desires which he cannot accept?

Man’s psyche absolutely cannot admit these desires or emotions 10 his consciousness. They are repressed and unconscious, but they stay within that psyche. They also maintain their psychological energy, which seeks an outlet: it must manifest itself. This phenomenon bears the name repression and psychological projection.

For example, when a mother feels dislike or even hatred for her child, because it complicates her personal plans and egotistic desires, it is unlikely that she would allow this feeling to enter her consciousness. And she would react with hostility and indignation if someone told her of these subconscious feelings. Projecting these feelings to other people, she will thus be certain that they are the ones who hate her child. Moreover, she will consider this hatred as the height of injustice and surround her child with exaggerated concern. It will not be the simple care of her issue, genetically encoded in nature, but an aggressive, emotional behavior not justified by external realities.

We must notice certain characteristics of this phenomenon. Due to such a maternal frame of mind, the child does not stop being protected against the invasion of the mother’s egotistical desires. This psychological mechanism is undoubtedly an important factor in preserving the species in nature. Man, however, because of his awareness of the action of this mechanism in his own psyche, increases his capability of ethical development through the acquisition of a greater ability for the successful limitation of his own egotistic tendencies.

The famous philosopher and psychologist Erich Fromm quotes an abstract example of displacement of feelings, without the possibility of projecting these displaced feelings onto other people. In this example, he speaks of a tribe of warriors who support themselves by killing and robbing the members of the other tribes. If such a tribe should produce an individual who feels repulsion for killing and robbing, it is almost certain that he could not be conscious of such a feeling. Such a sentiment could not be reconciled with the feelings of the whole tribe. Such an individual would be in danger of isolation. Resisting the penetration of unwanted feeling within his consciousness, he would probably vomit or experience an intensive fear. The incapability of projecting the displaced feelings is often the cause of many illnesses. This is due to the fact that this psychological energy, unable to liberate itself, disturbs the human organism.

And here is what was written about projection by the father of analytical psychology, Carl Gustav Jung, in his work concerning archetypes and symbols: The phenomenon of projection can be observed everywhere: in psychological illnesses, obsessions, and hallucinations in so-called normal people, who see a mote in their brother’s eye but do not see a beam in their own, and finally to the highest degree in political propaganda. Projections have a wide range, depending on whether their conditioning is personal and intimate or deeper and collective. The personal issues manifest themselves in projections onto their closest surroundings, onto the circle of relatives and acquaintances. But collective material, such as religious conflicts and global socio-political attitudes, choose the suitable carriers for projections: Masons, Jesuits, Jews, capitalists, Bolsheviks, imperialists, etc.

The above mentioned examples of repression and projection illustrate for us the drama of disruption occurring in the human psyche, which happens regularly, according to the law of dissociation. After all, we must remember that in the projection process, all repressed material brings about a contrary conscious reaction. The repressed hostility for a person close to us enforces a conscious affection toward that person, while the hostility is attributed to others. The repressed feeling of one’s own inferiority results in conceit and contempt for others. The denial of the desire to steal usually causes anger at thieves and a very strong conviction of one’s own integrity. The denial of fear toward someone liberates one’s aggressiveness toward that person.

Let us try to imagine the mechanism of repression and projection. How does it work? To aid our imagination, let us again use an analogy to physics phenomena. Let us think of two concepts in physics: energy and power. Energy is the ability to perform work, or the work itself. The type of energy can be defined (mechanical, thermal, electric, etc.). It can also be measured. But we cannot define the geometric direction of its action, because it is scalar, it does not have direction. Power is different: it always acts in a defined direction. If it is not counteracted by another power, then it is expressed in movement, usually doing some work in the direction of its action. For our purposes, we may accept the fact that power, expressing itself through movement, is identical to energy plus some geometric direction of action. We shall henceforth call it “power” in quotation marks.

By analogy to these concepts of physics, we may accept the fact that the psychological equivalent of physical energy is feeling (12). As in the case of energy, we may describe the kind of feeling (for example: love, fear, envy). In itself, however, it is irrational. Il has no matter, just like physical energy has no direction; it is scalar. Only by “bestowing” rationality on feeling do we give it a definite “direction” of action. It then manifests itself as a desire (or hostility) toward a concrete object. We may also accept “power” as the physical counterpart of desire (13).

Let us assume then that the inborn characteristic of the mind is the pursuit of a physical and psychological security for man. Physical safety is secured by the reflexes of the body, the self-preservation instinct, and the conscious fulfillment of life functions. But psychological well-being, which is also connected with physical safety, serves the defense of the ego or the sense of self. Here we find the source of all egotistic posturing. This defense mechanism also spreads to the family and various social groups, although to varying degrees depending on the degree of development of consciousness in the individual. It also covers the state of ownership and the ideas and beliefs which we consider our own. All these objects belong to the domain defended by the mind. By disturbing any one of them, the mind suffers disturbance to its self, whether directly or indirectly, and thus counteracts the disturbance.

Before we use these analogies, let us make the following three assumptions:
1. In the process of projection, the mind acts autonomously, independent of consciousness and will, as in die case of bo dily reactions or the manifestation of instincts.
2. Feeling occurs before rationality, usually in the f orm of definite desires. Therefore, it is realized in the “direction” of action.

3. The mind cannot rid itself of desire because it cannot remove the feeling which is die equivalent of physical energy, subject to the rule of behavior; it may, however, change the object of desire (but not the feeling toward it), as in the case of a change of direction of physical “power” (14).

Now we may imagine that in the psyche, various desires appear before the mind. Their content may depend on the actual life situation of the individual, his habits, cultural conditioning, etc. The desires, due to their emotional charge, inevitably reach the individual’s consciousness with the “demand” for realization and fulfillment. But before that, the mind controls their content and, if they are directed against the protected domain, they automatically change their “direction”, turning those desires against other objects found outside of this domain, or defended to a lesser degree. This process, therefore, runs its course similarly to the change of direction of physical “power” from a dangerous to a desirable one, as if a man pushed a knife blade away by reflex (15).

In spite of the Inevitable simplification of the process herein described, we may suppose that repression and projection of egotistic, negative desires occurs in more or less die same way. Their content reflects from the protected domain of self as rays of light reflect from a mirror. However, the emotions contained in them penetrate this mirror and the consciousness of the individual; and yet they are endowed by a different, changed material, as if dressed in a different suit, decent and pleasing to the ego.

Through these contemplations, we reach an essential conclusion. Our emphasis on rational knowledge derives mostly from outer appearance. Every appearance is the subject of appraisal. It therefore defines our relationship to it, which is usually emotionally colored to a greater or lesser degree. But if the matter relates to us, directly or indirectly, does not agree with the ethical “code,” or endangers the self, then it may be repressed. It will be replaced in our consciousness by a changed content, its own ethically false opposite. As the result of such a process, there occurs a separation of true and false rational knowledge. This refers especially to our knowledge about ourselves and of the social conditions in which we live.

It is not easy for a man to see this division within himself; it is not enough to have a capable intellect. The intellect here plays subordinate role. What is required is inner peace and the ability to maintain a certain distance from our motions and opinions. It is also important to rid ourselves of tendencies toward negative desires. The most undesirable ones are revenge and hate. They can only rise through projection. Having tendencies to feel these emotions, we are incapable of understanding their cause: we have die same characteristics within ourselves, although we are not conscious of it, and we attribute them to the object of our hate. The tendency for negative desires hides the truth, just like clouds hide the sun. Although it is hard to see (and even harder to see and not rationalize), we might say that each emotion which does not express unselfish love is just such a cloud cover.

There are many secular techniques of meditation which facilitate access to one’s own psyche and enable one to recognize this division of oneself and the world into true and false parts. On the social level, in historical perspective, and in beliefs connected with daily life, this is taken care of by religion, especially in spiritual and mystical activity. But this is another subject into which we shall not delve.

We must emphasize that life led according to the accepted ethical “code” is the most appropriate human strategy. But we should also develop our consciousness so as to better understand the action of mechanisms hidden within the psyche, to which our emotions, opinions, and actions are subjected.

By throwing some light into the murk of this psychological abyss, we scatter human emotions, cleanse them of negative tendencies, and add a vital energy whose existence was never properly detected before. Something similar happens with free information in social life: it eliminates the outer falsehood which is the foundation of totalitarian structures, thereby positively activating society. This similarity is deeper man generally believed. Psychotherapists know best how the patient’s mind defends itself from accepting its own repressed material. This is because it is often a painful process, even though it usually eliminates the illness and cures the patient. By anthropomorphizing, we may say that the defined type of repressed material, a so-called complex, behaves as if it were psychologically autonomous. It is fighting for its own existence. The defense against awareness is most important; clearly, it is a question of to “be or not to be.”

Just as this complex defends itself against the patient’s awareness, the totalitarian system fights against truth in information, which may expose society to the true nature of the system, thereby undermining the source of its strength. To prove the accuracy of this comparison, it is enough to study current communist propaganda, particularly recent occurrences in Poland . To explain their lack of success, the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic are blaming the “imperialist guerrillas” acting through Radio Free Europe.

Indeed, the activity of RFE (and other Western broadcasting groups) in transmitting their radio programs to the communist countries may be compared to the work of psychoanalysts. No wonder, therefore, that in the totalitarian countries psychoanalysis and depth psychology are not very popular. It is enough to remember the expulsion of psychoanalysts, including Sigmund Freud, under Hitler’s regime. This profession, including its later, non-Freudian version, is officially rejected in every single communist country. It is treated like any non-Marxist philosophy: as something to cloud people’s minds. This is inevitable, because there is an obvious connection between the unconscious processes of the psyche, especially a neurotic psyche, and the workings of a totalitarian system.

Let us take the Soviet socialized agricultural farms, the so-called kolkhozes, as an example. They do not fulfill their “theoretically justified” hopes because the farmers think the government is robbing them. It may start as a projection on the part of a farmer who suspects that he will be robbed. But such an attitude lowers his agricultural output; then, because of the decline in agricultural production while human needs remain constant, the government takes advantage of its power monopoly and indeed starts to rob the farmer. In the eyes of the farmer, this fact cannot be excused by any ideological or propaganda justification. He finds his former suspicions confirmed, and thus the circle is closed. Let us assume, however, that the farmer does not project anything and works up to his capacity. Then undoubtedly he will become the object of a projection on the part of the representatives of the government, who will decide that he lives much better than the others and take away his crops at the slightest pretext. The wronged farmer, unable to defend himself, lowers his output, and the syndrome comes full circle again.

This mechanism of repression and projection cannot be noticed or accepted by the creators of false ideologies. What is more, they condemn any attempt to understand what this mechanism demonstrates. It does not happen by coincidence. Guarding this state of affairs is the psychological energy of repressed matter, which has to manifest itself and explode outwardly. This is why certain ideologies are invented. That denied material is hung on them like a suit is hung on a prepared hanger.

It may be suitable to mention here that the communists now rarely produce social tensions a newly-acquired underdeveloped countries. Usually they take advantage of pre-existing frictions, imposing their ideology and social system in the process of supporting one of the contestants. Thus, they attack the consciousness of the underdeveloped nations (”liable to infection”) with their communist ideology. They also use force.

In the light of these remarks and reflections, communism appears as an ideology based on false rational knowledge. The creators of this ideology, although their intellect was exceptional, did not and could not understand, at their level of development of consciousness, what basic processes occur in the human psyche. I am speaking primarily about psychological denial and projection. An intellectual understanding of these processes is not equal to understanding them on the level of developed consciousness. A developed consciousness allows us to see them in ourselves and apply them to the protected area, first in ourselves and then in others. Thus the conclusion is that the intellect, which serves so well in acquiring external technical knowledge, is insufficient for self-understanding. It is different from developed consciousness, which reduces egotistic desires and gives us real knowledge and wisdom, allowing us to shape our personal and social life properly.

Communist ideology, therefore, cannot be realized in the expected, positive form. The denied, negative, and associated material will not allow it: in the communist system, it causes continuous projection, imposed on society as a whole, mostly by the apparatus of direct or indirect power. Social life is modeled according to this false utopian ideology, always with the participation of the dictatorship. It is based on knowledge of the world, but not of man, and is accompanied by a lack of that social control which could verify or reject unsuitable content, as it does in a democratic system. This projection gives a totalitarian character to the idealized picture of a classless, frictionless society.

The creators and disciples of communist ideology should not be identified with the followers of the system based on this ideology. In this system, the real followers of such ideology, led by humanitarian motivations, are very quickly neutralized and deprived of any influence. They represent a real danger to the elite of a society concerned only with holding onto power and privilege, while championing a utopian vision of the ideology. The first years of the history of the Soviet Union give us many examples of this ideological rejection: the conflict between Lenin and Trotsky; the creation of the Bolshevik party; the secret murders of well-known activists, etc. In later years there were only ruthless battles for the control of power on the part of various groups within the reigning elite.

Using the concepts borrowed from psychotherapy, we may say that the communist system is a neurosis harassing all sectors of society. The enforced utopian ideology results in a collective repression of egotistic material. The sum of this and other remaining repressed material creates something which may be called a universal social complex. In our times, this forcibly imposed complex has formed the Soviet model of communism in particular. The projection of its content, executed under the conditions of dictatorship, is the cause of this social neurosis. Unfortunately, fertile ground for this phenomenon is to be found in the psyche of the inhabitants of both sides of the globe. That is why the external means heretofore used to control it (military and economic) are not sufficient to free the world of this serious illness (16).

III. THE TWO FOLD MEANING OF WORDS

Fearful and trembling, I think that my life would be fulfilled only if I could publicly confess all the swindles my contemporaries and I have perpetrated; we were allowed to speak with the croak of dwarfs and demons, while pure and noble words were forbidden with such harsh punishment that whoever dared to utter even one of them considered himself lost. Czesław Miłosz, The Task.

A study of the phenomenon of psychological repression and projection leads us to the conclusion that there exists an unconscious division of rational self-knowledge and social behavior into truth and falsehood. As a result of this division, there occur numerous and sometimes opposing opinions; the fact that they are accompanied by the same terminology is no accident. The lack of clarity of these ideas may lead to the acceptance of falsehood. Perhaps only in this way can communist ideology be accepted by its followers. Let us examine it through a famous example from psychology.

If I confess my love to a woman, saying, “I love you,” these words are understood by her, especially if she feels well-disposed toward me. I also may think that these words are suitable to express my feelings. Let us try, however, to delve more deeply into this feeling, to its very motivation. I could, for example, say, “I love you and I only want you to be happy,” or “I love you and can’t live without you and I expect you to recipro- cate my love.” Both these expressions are generally accepted, although they in fact represent opposite emo- tions: devoted (unselfish) love and egoistical (selfish) love. In experiencing it, people usually do not notice the difference of motivation between them. That is why they do not use distinctive expressions.

Let us suppose, however, that such words exist and their content is generally known. Let us signify them with the letters A and B. If now, feeling egotistical love, I told the truth using the word B, then I could run the risk of rejection because my beloved would know my real motivation. But if I should lie, saying A , she may not reject me, although psychologically I would then of course be going out of the frying pan and into the fire. I would have to consider myself a cheat and collide with the accepted ethical “code.” Therefore, I purposely limit myself to the words “I love you.” I do not need more precise knowledge of what sort of love, especially since it could hinder the fulfillment of my desires. So we both believe that we properly understand the words. We are not conscious, however, of the hidden falsehood, which may surface later. It is very difficult to understand certain matters as the result of such a division of motivation, especially when they are not fully defined (17).

Let us now follow the development of a similar division within social life: for example, the word “democracy.” We usually think that its meaning is unequivocal and generally understood. However, this term is also used by the communists. Let us therefore try to define its positive meaning as simply as possible.

Let us forget for the moment everything we know about democracy, relying only on the etymological meaning of the word: rule by the people. Obviously the people have to choose their representatives to rule in their name and interest. They cannot govern themselves for practical reasons, as a whole (18). Therefore, proper institutions are created as the organs of power. Those organs are necessarily subject to controls because of the level of developed consciousness of the species homo sapiens. Thus, controlling institutions are created. That is the way a democratic social system comes into being. It is its most essential source, although the historical genesis may be quite different But we shall not deal with that here.

Oversimplifying grossly, we may describe democracy in these words: one rules, and the others watch and control the ruler. The controller’s actions must be visible, and the people have to be assured of access to honest information for purposes of an informed social opinion, or even a change of rulers. This state of affairs is upheld by law and institutions, and it is fixed in the social consciousness through tradition.

According to the above described law of conserving psychological energy, we may assume that democracy will prove to be an unstable system, although it endures in many countries. This instability may most easily surface under hostile conditions originating from the outside. And, in fact, history confirms this assumption. We may correctly assume, therefore, that we must preserve democracy as we do our health or family harmony. By their very nature, the organs of power seek to dominate the controlling institutions, without freeing the social tensions which might jeopardize them. This tendency is the egotistical manifestation of the ruling-elite strategy. For the elite, this goal is most easily reached by misleading public opinion.

This is why they take advantage of censorship, monopolize public communications, create false doctrines and theories, and use excessive police force. Domination by the organs of power over the controlling institutions inevitably transforms democracy into its polar opposite, namely totalitarianism.

It is worth noticing that this process usually does not affect the form, but changes the content of the system. The old words are still used to describe new and different phenomena. In this way, the old institutions are formally preserved: parties and political groups, a parliament, trade unions, social organizations, youth groups, and others. Also, there exists a constitution with a body of laws. But all these institutions and laws do not and cannot perform their real function of controlling the organs of power. What they do constitute is a successful facade masking reality and serving as a means of transmission in executing the interests of power. Such a condition creates a further avalanche of devastation through the control over cultural life, social and historical studies, the education of the young, and most importantly, the economic life of the nation and its citizens. The cause and motive force of all these processes is usually the long- or short-term attainment of egotistical goals by the individuals representing the organs of power. An analogy to this transformed system comes to mind: a cut flower retains its beauty and shape for a while, but ultimately becomes a dead stalk.

We may here refer to the opinion of a certain modern philosopher who says that social and economic reality mirrors itself in social consciousness, creating its own reflection. In a democratic society, the reflection is rather faithful to the original because a homeostat is at work, a kind of self-regulation. In a totalitarian society, such self-regulation is impossible because there are no institutions to control power. Under such conditions, the image or reflection deviates from reality and becomes deformed. Two realities emerge: one real and the other imagined, woven from false rational knowledge. Between them there is an insurmountable abyss. The fictional reality gains autonomy and a monopoly over existence. It becomes the image of an embodied idea. It is the recipient of all communications, propaganda, and education. Under such conditions, perception of the true reality may be treated as a sort of hallucination or illness requiring treatment. This may be the explanation for the use of psychiatry as a weapon against political opposition within the Soviet Union , although the power elite makes this decision with full awareness and cynicism; the medical staff is largely composed of KGB agents.

It must be noted that this split of ideas in communist society is not fully perceived by many members of that society; however, it is usually known by the power elite. This “initiation” of the elite is accomplished through the enormous c ontrast between the proclaimed idea of equality and the elite’s actual unlimited power and hidden privilege. In the Soviet bloc the elite is enshrined within the so-called nomenclature, a filter which does not allow unsuitable people to pass through. The most important condition for acceptance is obedience. Any minimally tolerated differences of opinion must be limited to the tactics of operation.

The communist elite purposely uses old words for the new, changed circumstances because this creates a natural means of manipulation through propaganda and false ideas. But in the case of the use of the word “democracy,” even the communists cannot completely hide the divergence between reality and ideology, and therefore use the name “socialist democracy.” This represents another deception, since they also stole the word “socialism” in the first place. It is only a label on the can of communism, which advertises the contents as something more easily digestible.

Duplicity in terminological meaning is consciously used by the communists in politics. We may assume that some Western politicians do not understand this, defining these words with the traditional meanings used in democratic countries. For communists, words such as peace, freedom, law, human rights, parliament, international agreement, trade union, etc., have a completely different meaning. The use of such inappropriate words not only makes understanding more difficult, but it is also quite misleading - and the West does want to achieve understanding. It is unfortunate that this occurs on such a high level of non-significance.

Let us take, for example, the question of disarmament. If we fully realize the canons of the Bolshevik “ethic,” that everything which serves the revolution is moral, we could understand the meaning of many terms, including “disarmament,” from a communist point of view. Any disarmament agreements serve the Soviets as a tactical move; it cannot be otherwise. They are only binding upon the democratic countries. In the Soviet Union , if there is no day-to-day, verifiable control by the West, the arms buildup will always be conducted at the highest affordable level. It is illustrated, for example, by the Soviet nuclear predominance in Europe by means of medium-range missiles, achieved precisely in the shadow of the post-Helsinki international Detente. It does not at all mean that the Soviets want war. Quite the contrary; they would rather win without war, through blackmail, perhaps through the use of conventional arms. What is worse, there is much to indicate that Soviet military blackmail has a great chance of success. Its effect has already been felt in the politics of Western European countries, not to mention neutral nations like Finland and Sweden . But let us imagine that in case of a so-called first strike, most of the strategic targets of the United States were to be destroyed; it is almost certain that this democratic country, facing the annihilation of life on earth, would submit to internal and external pacifist interests and accept the Soviet “peace ultimatum.” Then the saying “better red than dead” would be fulfilled. Not much imagination is needed to clearly see this calculation on the part of Soviet strategists. They would, however, have to be absolutely certain that they could not be countered by an immediate, successful retaliation. Their desire to keep their life and power is a matter of utmost importance.

The disarmament question today is similar to yesterday’s Yalta and Potsdam agreements. Overlooking the shameless haggling with the Soviets at someone else’s expense, we can have no illusions that the Soviets ever intend to comply with these agreements if it is inconvenient for them to do so, from free elections in Poland to Soviet domination over their sphere of influence. The very idea of a division of the world into spheres of influence, ignoring the moral aspect for the moment, proves that the Allies misunderstand the true nature of Soviet aggression, considering it similar to the old Russian imperialism which could, if necessary, be bargained with. The claims of communism are not limited to aspirations of nationalism, racism, or the greed of people inhabiting a certain piece of the earth. In truth, communism has no such limitations because it is not bound by rules.

Another example is the Helsinki Accord: here, too, the Soviets never had any intention of living up to the treaty. They were only interested in multilateral propaganda success (indirectly confirming Yalta ). Clearly, honest Soviet compliance with the Helsinki Accord pertaining to human rights and the free flow of information would be synonymous with the fall of the entire Soviet bloc.

The signing of the Gdansk agreement in Poland in 1980 had a similar meaning. From the outset, the communist powers did not intend to comply with it; they wanted a tactical subterfuge to diminish social tension. They had been successful with such tactics several times before.

The above mentioned incidents are well-known today. But they still are not fully comprehended, and they generate contradictory opinions. This truth is covered by a conscious propaganda diversion, creating a confused and incomprehensible image.

The law of dissociation, applied to social relations, corrects this image and lets us understand it better. In spite of exposing the horror of today’s political tensions a deeperknowledge of this law should presumably allow us to be optimistic about the future. This optimism comes from our faith in the human heart and in the potential perfectibility of man. (In a later chapter, we shall examine this in somewhat more depth.) But the nations must realize the nature of totalitarianism and not allow themselves to be blackmailed by organized evil.

IV. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF EVIL

Man cannot understand himself completely without Christ. He cannot understand who he is or what his real worth is, or what his vocation or final destination are… And that is why we cannot exclude Christ from the history of man, wherever he might be. John Paul II Homily delivered on June 2, 1979 on Victory Square in Warsaw.

In seeking the right attitude toward the variegated opinions and socio-political events in the world, let us try to analyze some usually undetected differences. Normally, we make no distinction between humanitarianism and brotherly love, considering these expressions totally or nearly synonymous.

Humanitarianism is a revered value to which we appeal often in life. We believe that it is expressed by generosity and sacrifice for others. Communists also appeal to humanitarianism in their ideological theses. Therefore, we may ask, how is the love of one’s neighbor different from their view?

This difference is wonderfully demonstrated in the ancient myth of Prometheus, who was the protagonist of humanitarianism. This Greek hero, wanting to relieve man from adversity, gave him fire. However, he stole the flame from Olympus without asking the gods’ permission, and was severely punished.

This theft exposes the whole drama of humanitarianism, differentiating it from the love of one’s neighbor. Prometheus lost faith in the gods and everything superior to him, considering himself the highest being. He believed that he, Prometheus, knew best how to make human beings happy. The archangel Lucifer was similarly touched by a loss of faith in God’s protection. He considered himself equal to God and injected man with a tendency for such opinions. The modern Prometheus myth is Marxism, which also rejects God and considers man the highest being. But contrary to this ideology based on Marxism, the communist system paradoxically fights against the interests of man, because such is its real nature. This is proved by our analysis of the process of psychological repression and projection.

In every example described here, we were dealing with a changed motivation of desires: from unselfish generosity to egotism. Then, we saw that these egotistical desires, not being consciously accepted, were repressed and projected outward: to the Olympian gods, to God, or, finally, to the capitalists, who did in fact formerly deserve such projections and are a convenient target even today.

The capitalistic system has always had some elements of totalitarianism. It is the result of the indivisibility of decision-making made possible by the law of capital ownership. These elements are particularly evident under conditions of weak social control. Finally, when controls disappear completely, the organs of power usually representing these elements gain a monopoly on decision-making; that is, they achieve absolute power. In order to safeguard this monopoly, they control everything themselves, even private property. If communists stage a relation, they in fact appropriate these properties for themselves, although they call it socialization (this process does not occur without struggle; the communists call it “class struggle,” although, according to them, it is not the only type of struggle). This is how a totalitarian system is born.

Coming back to projection, we have to notice that its “carriers” are selected in a specific, non-accidental way. Priority is always given to those who truly exhibit the characteristics attributed to them, i.e. the content of the projection. These characteristics may occur to a miniscule degree, as long as it is sufficient for projection. That is why capitalists are often under fire from the representatives of totalitarian systems. Above all, however, they are the most important carriers of the projection created by the communists.

After the repression and during the projection of egotistical content, contradictory desires are reinforced in one’s consciousness. These reinforced conscious desires, although ostensibly selfless and generous, are basically different from selfless desires not produced or reinforced by projection. Only reluctantly do they submit to the will of the individual. This is because their content completely depends on repressed egotistical desires (inaccessible to consciousness and will). Their motivation is therefore also egotistical, although people are not conscious of it. The repressed desires are the “other side of the coin.” But the “whole coin” claims a specific psychological range for itself, which may contain evil, the cause of pain. We may say that this range is the source of evil.

We have already mentioned the love-split occurring when a person is in love. This feeling may be selfless or egotistical, i.e. coming from projection. Usually, however, a man in love has both these feelings at the same time and does not notice the difference between them. Now we may add that the egotistical side of love has its counterpoint in the shape of repressed dislike or hate. This hate, together with the egotistical side of love, is that very same “coin” filling the psychological range which includes all the experiences of joy and pain. If rejected, egotistical love is easily changed into hate, since both of these emotions are closely related. But the feeling of happiness, which is more than the feeling of joy ensuing from fulfilled desires, probably comes from that side of love which has an authentic and selfless motivation and is independent of psychological projection.

As far as humanitarianism is concerned, we may say that the motivation for humanitarian ideas lies in the perception of human misery and error. Humanitarian emotions resemble pity. When the object of pity emerges from destitution and failure, surpassing or at least becoming independent of his benefactor, he may be hated by him and often is.

It is different with the love of one’s neighbor (brotherly love). Its motivation is the perfection of humanity; it is the divine spark of consciousness. Arising from his fall and growing in strength, one brother causes nothing but joy in another. The range of these feelings is not strained by evil. Someone once correctly pointed out that the source of humanitarianism is sickness, while the source of love of one’s neighbor is the spiritual health of man.

Knowing this ethical split in man, it is easier to understand the Gospel quotes of “love your enemies” and “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do,” or the saying “the truth will make you free.” According to Eastern religions and philosophies’ as well, ignorance of oneself and the absence of truth in one’s heart are the cause of all evil.

In the course of these contemplations, we may decide that the cause of all pain is evil in man. On the other hand, evil is something dead, since it is connected with psychological shrouding, ignorance, and the dark crepe which covers the Self, that perfect live image of God in man which is the source of life. Identifying with his body and psyche, man cannot recognize who he really is; in order for the image of God to fully develop in man, evil has to be eliminated. But it must be done without hate. Besides, one cannot hate something already dead. All hate is fuel, food for evil. It activates it, strengthens it, gives it the appearance of life, and in fact makes it invincible.

In this context, we should mention the post-Council relaxation of the Vatican towards the communist bloc, which was misunderstood and criticized by many. Charges were made that the Catholic Church had sought reconciliation with communism, although that would be as impossible as mixing water with fire.

In the light of these reflections, we should accept the fact that the Church seeks a road to Self, to God’s image in every man, and not to evil in the form of false doctrines which enslave man’s mind. The real brotherhood of man is only possible when it is preceded by a perception of the evil which separates people. It has to be done with such inspiration and propriety that evil will be isolated and forced to “vacate” man. We act similarly with fire when it occurs as a destructive element. Fire must be contained, deprived of fuel, and extinguished without getting us burned in the process. This simple truth is not always well understood.

I once read a fantasy tale; the title and name of the author are not important here. It was a thriller. For several evenings, the new tenant of a large, isolated villa had observed the arrival of a black carriage; a group of hooded men emerged and carried something into the basement. He would then hear screams from the cellar; a man was calling for help. The hero of this tale was shocked and frightened by these events. One evening, however, armed to the teeth, he set a trap for the malefactors. Well hidden, he watched the group arrive again. Eavesdropping on their conversation, he learned that a political adversary was to be tortured. He observed the entire preparations for torture, overpowered the group, and freed the prisoner. The freed man thanked him politely - and began preparing to torture his recent tormentors. The hero, surprised by this attitude, freed the members of the group and left. He simply stopped caring about the matter.

Did the hero act properly? How would I have acted in his place, and how would I act if I were in the place of the victim? The message of this tale, though a difficult test, probably services to define our attitude toward our enemies. Every one of us may try to determine, in light of psychological projection, what our conscience and mind should tell us and what is only an emotional intrusion. Each one of us has a chance to peer into his process of rationalization, that is, his own justification of what satisfies his aroused emotions. Desires and emotions are natural phenomena. But what we strive for is to stop pain and prevent its escalation, not to increase it in the name of justice, righteousness, morality, or any other “-ality,” as the great psychologist Jung once said.

The pragmatic application of the rule “an eye for an eye” is a survival from the past, when it served to prevent unbridled excess. Ancient limes produced the still-popular sense of justice, which is difficult to reconcile to charity or kindness, although all these characteristics are attributed to the same subject, namely God. In order to avoid rejecting this ancient word entirely, we may make the following generalization (although not too precisely): justice is whatever best serves human spiritual development (19).

Returning to the matter of evil, we may say that its social manifestations indicate specific hierarchical structures, reaching various levels of organization within society. For example, they may be gangs or mafias conscious of their harmful activity. At higher levels of organization, the goals and methods of operation are masked, as much as possible by the humanitarian concerns of social consciousness. And that is how some religious sects, various Masonic groups, and certain economic corporations are created. Even the power elites are not always conscious of the real motives of their actions. In the capitalistic system, especially in a situation where social control is weakened and democracy falters, conditions appear which favor the development of specific phases of totalitarianism.

Finally, at the level of national organization, we are confronted by totalitarianism. These various structures preying on society do not have to be related. The totalitarian system, as a rule, liquidates them or subordinates them to its own interests. Such a system demands an appropriate ideology, which can take the form of any kind of territorial, national, or racial chauvinism. However, it may aspire (as communism does) to absolute rule over the entire world (20).

The totalitarian system therefore rests on two main pillars: ideology and force. They derive from the “two sides of the coin” composing the source of evil. Let us take a closer look at them.

The concerns of ideology and various social doctrines are humanitarian and Promethean matters of consciousness. They create a vision of reality desired by man. This vision is driven by our inability to handle pain and a desire to replace it with pleasure. However, the realization of this vision is not permitted through the process of unconscious, repressed, egotistical material.

Disregarding communist ideology for the moment, we may notice that there arc many other doctrines. Let us look at the popular phenomenon of national chauvinism. Caring only about the welfare of one’s own country, ignoring one’s neighbors, or even actively harming them, is intensified egotism because it is raised to a national level. Fortunately, many people today can differentiate this egotistical posture from patriotism, which is love of one’s country, national culture, tradition, and liberty. The distinguished Lithuanian dissident Vladislaus Sagalis, when asked recently about his opinion whether Vilnius should belong to Poland or Lithuania , answered as follows: “As a Lithuanian, I want with all my heart for Vilnius to belong to Lithuania . But if the future brings changes which place Vilnius in Poland , that will not weaken my friendly feelings towards Poles. This is because the most important thing is the regaining of freedom and the development of mutual friendly relations.” We encounter similar healthy and constructive opinions today among many Ukrainians, whose past relations with Poland were uneven. The desire to seek understanding between nations over the heads of communist leadership was expressed by Polish bishops in the 1950’s; more recently, after declaration of martial law, some exiled intellectuals made a similar well-known Polish appeal to the Germans. Secret expressions of admiration for “Solidarity” came to Poland from Russian citizens as well.

Resistance is still unfortunately substantial to these enlightened opinions; sometimes they are called naive. Even disregarding Polish attitudes, there are Russians who passionately hate communism - but want to maintain the present borders of the Soviet Union , that terrible prison-house of nations.

Another hothouse for false ideas is racism and its many variations; still another is religious intolerance. But none of these ideas and doctrines, in spite of the horror of their social manifestations, can match communism in scope. This ideology does have the power to inspire, primarily outside the borders of the communist countries. In the Soviet Union it fills the void left behind in the process of societal indoctrination, especially of the young. Besides, it is already dead, because it produces no idealists, only conformists and cynics in varying degrees of unconsciousness. This state of affairs is one of the signs announcing the fall of communism.

The second pillar of totalitarianism, aside from ideology, is violence. Its main source is the repressed, egotistical, and hateful desires. In its social manifestation, such violence serves the realization of false ideas wherever misleading social consciousness is not enough. In the totalitarian system, ideology usually leads to the inevitable breakdown of social productivity and a decrease in the standard of living, especially in comparison with the developed democratic countries. Thus, ideology cannot withstand a confrontation with reality. The power elite always reacts by increasing censorship of information and by intensifying violence and terror, thus creating a peculiar barrier of fear. This is illustrated by Stalin’s well-known thesis of constantly aggravated class struggle in socialist society. In the highly developed communist form of totalitarianism, the barrier of fear maintained by violence usually works. Terror is also used on a global scale through Moscow-controlled education and operations centers in Libya , Bulgaria , Cuba , and other countries under strong communist influence. Many assassination attempts on various personalities of the free world undoubtedly originate in these countries.

Maintaining such a high-level barrier of fear as is usually established after a communist revolution led to a phenomenon known as the personality cult. This state of affairs becomes burdensome to the power elite in time because the welfare of its members is ever more dependent on an arbitrary dictator. This leads to conspiracies and fragmentation within the elite, a consequence of which may be the ouster of that ruler and a change in government. As happened after Stalin’s death, such a change may filter down to the lower levels of the power hierarchy. Its side-effect is a certain lowering of the barrier of fear.

This phenomenon may also occur in reverse. The conspiratorial segment of the elite may purposely lower the barrier of fear in order to facilitate a liberation of social tension, and thereby a change of leadership. Such at lions are also used for propaganda goals and in the international arena. After the change, the new leadership generally attempts to raise the barrier of fear again. This is done by show trials, special laws, manipulation of penal codes, establishment of work camps and finally, the use of direct violence and armed terror. A good example of this: the consecutive administrations in the Polish People’s Republic, by which we do not mean Poland . (The PPR signifies communist power in the country, not the country itself; it is very important to communists that such differences in ideas and in meaning not be noticed). (21)

The communists have worked out specific methods to regulate the level of social tensions. In Poland, for example, tension was recently increased by raising food prices just before holidays; burning churches or other targets; trying to direct the people’s anger against the Germans, Jews, or others (for example, the burning of an army church in Wroclaw which had a unique set of organs); destroying food and blaming “Solidarity” for everything; etc., etc. Examples of decreasing tension would be signing a conciliatory agreement with workers (with no intention of abiding by it, of course), or arranging a mock trial for some low-ranking “sacrificial goat.” A specific means of lowering political tensions was used by the “puritanical” regime in Czechoslovakia soon after the Polish events in 1956: larger cities were flooded with pornographic magazines, which were withdrawn when tensions in Poland and Hungary lessened after a few months.

The agents of these programs are usually experienced manipulators who do not act blindly. They are quite familiar with the structure and function of the real and potential levels of society and feed certain tensions by applying the old rule of “divide and conquer.” There is always room for provocation, hate-mongering, and crime.

The use of the barrier of fear and various forms of violence gives the totalitarian system a great capacity for regeneration. History teaches us that local attempts to break up this system, often undertaken after the barrier of fear has been lowered or conquered, usually fail, at least in the Soviet bloc. This applies both to the Soviet Union (e.g., dissident movements and strikes) and to attempts at independence in the satellite countries. These disturbances do not directly endanger the system because the power elite has a monopoly on information and force; since it also has centralized control over production and distribution, it can easily recoup any losses. Such was the case in Czechoslovakia and Hungary ; such is the case now in Poland , although the procedural specifics are different.

The Soviet regime reacts most strongly to any manifestation of national or social independence within its own borders. It even resorted to the deportation and genocide of entire nations (e.g., the Tartars of Crimea) or substantial parts of them.

At the time of the so-called collectivization of the countryside, disgruntled Ukrainian farmers had their crops taken away when they refused to give up their farms. That was done according to a special decree of the Soviet government. The confiscated crops were taken to Russia , partly to be sold abroad. As a result of this criminal act, several million Ukrainians starved to death in 1932-1933 (22). In addition to this horrible genocide, many similar cases were described by dissidents and researched by historians and authors. That is why we only mention them briefly. However, they do illustrate the practical fulfillment of the above-mentioned cardinal rule of the Bolshevik “ethic,” that morality is anything which serves the revolution. History and the present state of affairs prove that these are not mere words, as we can see. Many people find it hard to believe. May this hellish truth finally reach the consciousness of those champions of unilateral disarmament in the West who want to trust the “chivalrous” promises of communist propaganda.

This appraisal, although briefly stated, leads toward the conclusion that the Soviet bloc, just as a gang or the Mafia, can only be successfully challenged by neutralizing their main element, the leadership of the pyramid of evil. This main element is the entire power elite of the Soviet Union (not just the immediate leadership holding power or trying to grab its reins). Neutralization thereof can only be accomplished by social powers within the Soviet Union . Their liberation depends on the level of development of consciousness in society and upon the height of the barrier of fear. This barrier was greatly lowered for the first time after Stalin’s death; the new leadership, tired of the many years of personality cult, tried to prove their honesty by partly exposing the crimes of the tyrant Stalin. Any further decrease in the barrier of fear has been and still is the result of friction within the power elite. For example, during the Stalinist era, people were executed for the idea of an independent Ukraine . Under Khrushchev, one received ten years for the same crime, and today gets only a few years in prison. With such decreasing risk, it is easier to free social tension.

However, the lowering of the barrier of fear is not the result of a liberalized communism. It is merely a side effect of changing arrangements and tensions in the above mentioned power struggle between the leadership on the one side and the bureaucratic elite on the other.

The process of political relaxation in the international arena is no less important. It has liberated some external tensions and made possible the penetration of some very limited information from the West to the people of the Soviet Union (23). Due to transistors, listening to Western radios became easier. The development of consciousness and an indirect decrease in the level of the barrier of fear have also had a certain impact on postwar events in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and,. more recently, in Poland and Afghanistan .

We should also mention the Solidarity Congress appeal to the workers of communist countries, calling on them to establish independent trade unions in their countries. This appeal apparently reached the workers, and Hungarian trade unions welcomed it, which is no mean achievement within the communist system. To rinse the salt from their eyes, the Soviet establishment called workers’ meetings which sought to “unmask” Polish “Solidarity.” However, the Soviets thereby gave proof of its success and unwittingly propagated it. Clearly, the Soviet government is an experienced attacker but an incompetent defender; they had bitten off more than they could either chew or spit out.

The process of overcoming the barrier of fear may be compared to the rising pressure of steam from heated fluids. For this “heating,” several factors are needed, which demand a more complete analysis than we can provide here. But the main factor is the general raising of consciousness in society. It can be successfully accelerated by breaking the monopoly of information. The events leading to the creation of “Solidarity” in Poland are one example.

It may also be said that in agreement with the law of dissociation, and according to totalitarianism’s two main pillars of ideology and force, the following factors of power emerge: the party, the police and the army. The party acts mainly in the sphere of ideology. It is normally the dominating faction. But as social consciousness grows and ideology diminishes, the tendency increases for the use of police power - or more properly, its specialized, ruling secret police. This is exemplified in the Soviet Union by Andropov’s coming to power (although Beria had earlier tried to use the police to impair the party).

Extrapolating predictions from these facts: the final change of guard at the helm of power, when even the secret police is too weak to rule, will usher in the dominance of the army as a “last resort.” This can only be followed by the fall of the communist system. That is the stage of the Polish People’s Republic at present. It does not mean, however, that the Soviets will not withdraw the army and install a dominant secret police. The military domination of the Polish People’s Republic is, for the time being, only a tactical maneuver by the Soviets, who have no doubt decided that such a solution is the most expedient for the time being.

As we have already stated, the downfall of the communist system will probably follow a military takeover in die Soviet Union . It can only happen in the face of the ideological bankruptcy of the party and the weakness of the secret police; that is, under conditions of rather substantial freedom of action. Suppression of social tensions by the secret police will be more difficult because of the decline of ideology and related restraints on the processes of psychological rationalization which, in the long run, are indispensable for the application of violence in society. Openly egotistical or blatantly criminal motivations by the government will, as has already happened in the Polish People’s Republic, lead to the formation of opinions connected with so-called realistic socialism. Such a state of affairs may be called a decline in social morality by the communists. The military elite may then be the only force capable of holding onto power. A very important fact: they have relatively little to fear because their former crimes are relatively few. In order to gain credibility in society and the world, such an elite could blame past evils on the party, the secret police, or even on communist ideology. But that would not necessarily mean the establishment of a democratic system.

V. POLISH MATTERS TODAY

Consecrate your every deed to me; may your thoughts abide within the Highest Spirit. Enter into battle now, Arjuna - free of need for praise or vengefulness, cleansed of selfishness and inner fever. Bagavad-Gita III-30

This is a speech by the god Krishna in the holy book of the Hindus to his human friend, a chief, who, in defen- ding the truth and freedom, took pity on his desire-blinded enemies. At the decisive moment before battle, he decided not to fight. A similar posture is taken today by pacifist adherents of unilateral disarmament in the West, although their principal motivation is fear rather than pity. (By the way, Krishna is a god of preser- vation, not a god of war.)

For many people brought up on Christian ideals of love, it is difficult to understand these warlike teachings of Krishna . The Bible preaches brotherly love. On the other hand, our intuition confirms that Truth is absolute. This Truth is supposed to be the source of all great religions. To understand Krishna ’s words more easily, let us remember that Jesus also could not agree with the hypocritical Pharisees. When peddlers desecrated the temple, he physically threw them out.

We cannot make pacts with a self-proclaimed and triumphant evil. It corrupts and degrades man. But first we must conquer it in ourselves. Reconciliation is only possible when it is preceded by mutual perception of evil. This applies to individuals, and then to nations and other groups.

In trying to best understand today’s events in Poland , it may be proper to make a few assumptions partly derived from the first portion of this book:

1. The essential precondition for eliminating or limiting all social manifestations of evil, including communism as a specific form of the totalitarian system, is a universal development of consciousness. This development always depends on reducing egotistical desires, which are subject to suppression and psychosocial projection. If a society does not reach a sufficient level of consciousness, it cannot achieve democracy. Then the system may only change from one totalitarian form to another, perhaps not much better. This is because evil cannot eliminate evil. There are many societies unprepared for democracy, such as China or Iran . As shown by history and today’s reality, democracy cannot blossom nor live there, in spite of favorable external conditions which do not exist in Poland . Many nations take paths of development different from the West, dismissing certain social and economic formations.

The development of consciousness in society manifests itself as a religious outlook and unselfishness on the part of the people. The active centers of this development are mainly religious groups. The rational, conscious part of religious beliefs usually corresponds with the actual level of consciousness of the believers. The Second Vatican Council, for example, was a great historical act reflecting the Church’s adjustment to the actual level of consciousness of the Catholic communities. The religion and predominant religious uniformity of the Poles, who have been Catholics for centuries, favors the development of their consciousness.

2. Man cannot perform sustained evil in society without some positive or pseudo positive motivation occur- ring in his consciousness. Even the worst criminal tries to justify his actions. Hitler’s executioners had their own Nazi ideology. The communists have their own. For example, according to the report of a prisoner in
a Soviet prison hospital, the Katyn executioners (24) were overheard saying “someone had to do that dirty work” (memoirs of Stanislaw Szwarc). Thus the executioners of this most heinous crime tried to make them- selves into heroes who sacrificed themselves “for the Soviet Union .” During the 1968 invasion of Czecho- slovakia , the occupation soldiers were told that Czechoslovakia ’s Austrian border was being invaded by the imperialist army at the same time. Today members of Poland ’s ZOMO riot police are given drags before per- forming “special duties.” This was revealed by the doctors who cared for the wounded during brutal strike- breaking.

This happens because man’s Self cannot accept evil. However, evil still hovers within his psyche and his mind in the form of negative emotions and thoughts. In his imperfect consciousness, man wrongly identifies himself with this “aureole.” The Self, unable to accept evil, consciously gives it the appearance of good. Thus, man escapes unbearable inner turmoil, which would have adversely affected his sanity. This process is known as psychological rationalization. Familiarity with it, like the knowledge of repression and projection, helps us understand the action of some psychological mechanisms and may facilitate the practical elimination of evil in a spirit of brotherly love.

3. The danger of total annihilation in the modern world is not solely dependent on the superpower’s weapons stockpile. We cannot disregard the fact that a greater danger is posed by relatively underdeveloped nations who are now receiving nuclear weapons. The Soviet Union is striving for domination of the world by mani- pulating, exploiting, and enslaving tensions outside their bloc and by using military blackmail. Military defeat is probably impossible today because of the senals of retaliatory weapons. This fact frightens many people, though mass pacifism may push them into the yoke of communism. It behaves like the hypnosis with which a snake paralyzes its victims. However, the Soviet Union does not and cannot desire total annihilation, since that would be contrary to self-preservation and preservation of the power and privileges of the power elite.

For them, complete disarmament would be as impossible as a free flow of information: both would cause the system to disintegrate as a result of increased inner social tensions and a reduced possibility of pseudo-positive motivation in applying force in order to suppress tension.

Thus, the only power capable of overthrowing the Soviet system is precisely these tensions, li berated through the development of consciousness in society.

4. The nations e nslaved in the Soviet bloc can only be liberated through the fall of the central axis within this bloc, namely the communist system in the Soviet Union . It does not mean that this collapse will occur spon- taneously, without wisdom, devotion, and struggle on the part of all enslaved and free nations. This has para- mount strategic significance for all political and liberation movements, including the liberation of Poland. This seemingly arbitrary remark results from perception of communism’s true nature, a perception which can be either psychological or political - or both.

In the psychological approach we may speak of communism as a social neurosis created by the negative material repressed from consciousness. Every aspect of this characteristic complex contains the same repressed material, so even “local” awareness jeopardizes the complex as a whole. The complex therefore defends itself against awareness and commits all its psychological energy to this defense.

In the relatively external political approach, we would deal with organized activity on the part of die communist elite, who will desperately defend the privileges so well hidden from the public. They also want to escape the responsibility for their crimes. They can successfully liquidate every internal threat through their monopoly on information, power, and the resources of production and distribution. Toward this end they will use misinformation and force. If they did not do it, as mentioned before, the entire system would be overwhelmed by inner tensions. Recent history furnishes many examples of such behavior in the Soviet system.

Agreement with the assumptions contained in these four points will make it easier to find answers to numerous essential questions disturbing may people, and also to get a clearer view of what is presently happening in Poland . Let us begin with a few questions and brief answers:

What is Poland ’s political goal today?

The attainment of freedom. Socially, freedom is expressed by independence and a democratic system. All questions regarding production relations, society, and politics can be resolved in the framework of this system. Freedom is more than mere independence, which may be accompanied by its own totalitarianism in chauvinistic form. In short, people must mature to the stage of freedom; Poland , as a nation, has undoubtedly reached this level of consciousness. This is attested to, inter alia, by the events of previous years, where we witness human dignity, prudence, and solidarity among the people.

What is the role of the Catholic Church in Poland ?

The Church is performing the important mission of eliminating evil. It leads people toward their spiritual development. As the only organized social power which never surrendered to communist power in Poland , the Church has for many years protected the suffering, the injured, and the faltering, and it continues to do so. It gives them moral and material assistance. The Pope and the Polish episcopate take official stands today on many difficult social issues. Also, Polish priests at home and abroad have helped their country. It is difficult to praise their patriotism and their good deeds on behalf of Poland highly enough.

However, the Church cannot barter away its spiritual leadership and become directly involved in politics, although its mere existence is a political factor. Such an attitude of the Church is probably understandable and proper. Let us hope that it will be maintained in Poland . The Church acts in the domain of brotherly love, out of the r each of political adversaries using false rational knowledge; politics operates in other domains, such as humanitarianism and hate. The communists try at all costs to bring the Church within the political arena. The y want the Church to negotiate with them in the name of the people, thereby in f act replacing the outlawed secular social organizations and thus becoming more accessible in the final showdown.

Thanks to social development reinforced by the spiritual leadership of the Church, more light enters the dark domain in which this struggle occurs. It helps distinguish friends from enemies. Even the former followers of false ideologies often join the popular political movement for justice.

Is communism capable of reform?

No. Any attempt at reforming this system develops social consciousness, unmasks falsehood, threatens the power elite with loss of privileges, and forces them to accept responsibility for their crimes. Once set into motion, a genuine process of reform cannot be stopped, and it leads to overthrow of the system. It can only be slopped by force, which is precisely what happened in Poland .

Another question with communism is the deceitful tactic by which they try to swindle and pacify their agitated people. The success of such tactics is only short-lived. Any attempt to improve the communist system can be aptly compared to dismounting from a wild, hungry, but saddled tiger. It is just as impossible. This system can only be totally abolished and replaced by another system, perhaps a democratic one.

Did “Solidarity” go too far?

Neither too far nor not far enough. This question is born out of ignorance of Soviet totalitarianism and of what “Solidarity” is and was. It is asked by people who consciously serve false knowledge and who want to blame today’s Polish crisis on “Solidarity,” or on Poles in general, who allegedly do not know what they want.

“Solidarity” developed because of the high level of consciousness in Polish society, which was not fully appreciated by the government at first. It is an external expression of the inner sovereignty of man. In fact, it became a symbol of the aspirations of the whole nation. The immediate reason for its legalization as a trade union in Poland , and for the subsequent legal actions, was tactical manipulation by the government, tending to deceive public opinion in Poland as well as abroad in order to discharge inner social tensions and to gain propaganda advantages. The fate of “Solidarity” as an independent organization was sealed by the communists from the start: its fate was liquidation. It was only a matter of time and means. When attempts at inner dissension and co-opting by me government failed, force was used.

Therefore, there was no possibility of “stopping” the process of “Solidarity” at any point without its becoming a useful tool of the regime. There was also no chance of overthrowing the system, which is precisely why the communists provoked “Solidarity” to attempt such action.

Such questions can be multiplied. They will not, however, replace political thought and action, which immu- nizes against false knowledge and any propaganda provocation.

In evaluating recent events in Poland , we must abandon many outdated thought-clichés. This does not mean breaking the continuity of political thought, but recognizing the new values which follow the development of social consciousness in Poland . The Polish nation is a martyr, like the Biblical Job, who pervaded and morally conquered his oppressors (25). He indicated the means to achieve social and national victory, and continues to do so.

First, we have to state that Poland was abandoned by the Allies at the very start of the war; then, after the fiasco of military moves and Mikolajczyk’s mission, it somehow had to adjust to existing conditions. During the forty-two years of postwar occupation, performed in a subtle and hypocritical way and maintained with the help of “home-grown” ruling elites, the tradition of national movements and dead heros was broken. After a short period of post-war reconstruction, during which the regenerating instinct of the nation partially compensated for the destructive economic results of communist control, successive economic and political crisis accompanied the change of regimes (26). The suppression of resulting tensions accelerated the development of social consciousness, which was of course limited by intensified and monopolized communist propaganda.

Under these conditions, a tactic of resistance was naturally established: confronting reality with fiction. In practice, this began with demands that the government live up to its own laws. This naturally required breaking through the barrier of fear by social groups criticizing the actions of the regime. It also became possible thanks to the breakup of the information monopoly by the appearance of various uncensored publications. These actions, started by the young intelligentsia and students, were taken up by many people from the intellectual elite, and later by the workers. During this movement, a new Polish political attitude was born, accurately described by the Polish exile Tadeusz Folek (27). In the most general terms, the important thing is to create forms of resistance and battle, to unmask falsehood, and simultaneously to defend against terror and collaboration. Most probably, this very program was at the base of actions which led to the birth of “Solidarity” in 1980.

Later, under the severe conditions of martial law, “Solidarity” called into being an underground Temporary Coordinating Committee. Among other activities, they helped political prisoners and their families, developed a publishing movement, transmitted underground radio programs, distributed pamphlets, and organized street demonstrations. Spontaneously, secret Committees of Social Resistance ( KOS ’s) were formed, composed of just a few members. People who declared their loyalty and support for the regime were condemned.

Social resistance continues. Gradually it takes on forms best calculated for long- term struggle. The method has been peaceful and non-violent so far.

The fact that “Solidarity” could not be broken as a social movement, in spite of the openness of its democratic structure, proves its political maturity. In spite of some blunders or mistakes, inevitable in any confrontation with an experienced adversary, it neither became a tool in the hands of the regime nor allowed itself to be provoked. This, of course, would have been followed by very destructive force being unleashed against the nation as a whole. At that time, the government not only outlawed the organization, but formally removed the word “Solidarity” from its official vocabulary.

We do not know what will happen to Poland . Undoubtedly, the government will counter with the “theory of the lesser evil” and use the scare tactic of Soviet invasion. We may expect false attempts at understanding, continued restraints, and petrifaction of the status quo. Underground organizations may become stronger. In the temporal perspective, we cannot exclude the possibility of a desperate national uprising and direct Soviet intervention. It must after all be remembered that the development of consciousness also includes some people in uniform. With Kremlin approval, various provocations could be possible, including those directed against the ruling team in the form of a communist elite power struggle (28).

All these assumptions may prove immaterial on account of possible plans for Soviet “neutralization” of the Western European countries. The Soviets may attempt a blitzkrieg with conventional weapons, first attacking some European neutral countries, and then imposing their political demands on the other countries through military blackmail. Many current events in the international arena offer the opportunity for such an initiative, including intensive penetration of the Scandinavian coastal waters by Soviet submarines; mass expulsion of Soviet diplomats from Western countries as a result of their exacerbated espionage activities; intensification of communist activity in Central American countries, thereby distracting U.S. attention from Europe; and fomenting war in die Middle East, which could temporarily paralyze Western oil supplies at any moment convenient for the Soviets. The political propaganda justification for the entire operation can be based on the many Western pacifists who will be the first to “understand” that the Soviet Union “had no choice, given their security needs,” other than to attack Europe . In the light of such events, Poland may prove to be the Soviet training-ground for an imminent conquest of Western societies. May this gloomy prediction never come true (29).

On the other hand, execution of such plans would depend on a takeover by the military, who would never relinquish their power; at present levels of consciousness, that could have far-reaching ideological and political consequences, including the possible rejection of communist ideology, especially if the conquest should fail.

One thing is certain: events in Poland are being carefully observed by the enslaved nations of the Soviet bloc. That explains the virulent anti-Polish Soviet propaganda in these countries. Andrei Sakharov said, on the subject of democratic liberation movements in the Soviet Union , that “movements supported by millions of people fighting for human rights cannot disappear without a trace. A word once uttered remains alive for- ever.” This faith comes from the human heart. Whatever happens, it will mark the coming fall of the Soviet bloc. This is the direction we may assume to have been taken in modern Polish political thought. The Pope’s second pilgrimage to his native country strengthened Poles morally. It will yield fruit in the future.

Against die background of such an analysis, Western democratic attitudes are ineffective, divided, and passive. The free world seems like a herd of deer being attacked by a hungry predator; were it not for the self-preservation instinct, they would gladly consider him one of their own. The herd cannot get organized and chase the intruder away, although it has the weapons to do so.

The lack of an uniform strategy toward the Soviet bloc is now a serious danger for t he West. Let us take the example of the Siberian gas pipeline, which is supposed to deliver energy to Western Europe . The desire to strengthen Western European economies and, in the case of Germany, an additional political solution to the German affair, causes an absurd blindness; we cannot see what a powerful weapon the Soviet Union is gaining through this investment. This blindness even clouds the historic memory of the sudden cutoff of energy raw materials by the Soviets to Yugoslavia , China , and Finland when they wanted to force these countries to submit to their political demands. Why should they act any differently toward the nations of Western Europe in the future?

Any statements that the Soviets will also be dependent on the currency flowing from the West seem to be empty phrases. The democratic West, basing its economy on Soviet gas, will probably never be able to use this investment as a political weapon. The inner social forces of those interested countries will oppose it as an unethical act hurting the economy.

Here we may mention that the politics of economic pressure on the Soviets may be realized in such fields of cooperation as do not make the West so obviously and directly dependent on the Soviet Union . For example, it may be advisable to make limited grain sales to the Soviets in amounts indispensable for their needs and to sell manufactured products, mainly consumer goods (without new technology components which could easily be used for military purposes), even if they do not bring profit. Such sales would support factors tending to restrict the development of the means of production in the Soviet bloc, making them more dependent on the West. This should create conditions favoring multi-pronged pressures on the Soviet bloc, mainly directed at defending human rights and at breaking up the monopoly of information, thus aiming at the very heart of communism.

On the other side, as we know from experience, communist countries have substantial resistance to economic pressures, especially when they endanger the system by threatening the doctrinal canon. The pressures and sanctions used up to now have lowered living conditions, but did not diminish the fulfillment of the elite’s needs, nor the apparatus of violence and propaganda started by them. In the communist system, living standards may be lowered without any resistance from a society deprived of any means of self-defense. What is more, this system must keep its people on the verge of poverty because prosperity inevitably increases man’s sense of sovereignty, gives him time to reflect, and sharpens his criticism of the government. The communist elite does not and cannot allow it. Thus, it launches an Orwellian way of life, pushed to absurdity by intense propaganda and terror. Today, the most obvious examples are North Korea and Albania , which are almost completely cut off from the world.

Therefore, any economic pressures on communist nations, especially the Soviet Union , must be studied carefully and applied in the framework of a definite global strategy if they are to be successful.

These matters are well known, but not sufficiently taken advantage of as an economic tool in the West’s Eastern policy. The proper use of this tool demands a complete consolidation of action, which is unfortunately not favored by many of the pluralistic interests of non-communist countries today.

Another example is the pacifist mood now growing in the world. Born out of this peace movement, it should naturally be directed against the cause of the real danger to peace today, namely totalitarianism in general, and to the communist system in particular, as represented by the Soviet bloc. But the Soviets, acting in accordance with the totalitarian rule of spreading false ideas, exploit two important factors occupying the consciousness of modern societies: intellectual confusion and fear of total annihilation. They apply the simple trick of “stop thief” and use this enormous social power for their propaganda goals, giving them an anti-American character.

This stolen power, however, may be knocked out of Soviet hands by properly counteracting their propaganda; for example, by exposing the conditions and course of disarmament negotiations. After all, the Soviets can accept no agreements, given the controls they would have to observe. Such controls would stab at the very foundations of their system. In democratic systems we find successful instances of internal controls, as well as external ones enforced by the partner with whom the agreement was signed. In totalitarian systems, however, only external controls can be successful, because the absence of internal control over power is the basic framework, the very foundation of this system. The Soviets pervert this truth in every possible way. For the West, however, it is a vital question which has to be exposed to many misled and frightened people.

We must carefully observe and expose those who support these anti-American peace movements politically and financially. We should use these attitudes properly, as a tool of action in the direction of true disarma- ment.

Returning to Polish events, we should briefly say something about those Poles who are residing outside our country. We are a great force, which we do not realize and do not know how to take advantage of, especially in America , where we are most numerous. An observation of the history and structure of Polish immigration to the United States explains why this is happening.

These are neither simple nor easy matters. The majority of “Polonia” (Polish-American) members were born and bred here; most of them never saw the country of their ancestors. They feel something for it, however, and seek contact with its culture. They cannot understand the barbaric and sophisticated fighting methods used by the communists in various walks of life, including science, culture, and sports. Others, thrown out of the country by the waves of World War II, often live in the past and seldom have an opportunity to match their views with the current of recent life of the country. It is understandable if they consider their views sacred and unchangeable. Finally, there is the last wave: the people who came here for a visit, or simply to earn money, include a group of active political refugees. It may even be difficult to call them emigrants. They are part of Poland , either because they have had no time to adapt completely or because they still intend to return to Poland if possible. They have a clear view of what our country is going through.

The life of Polonia is expressed by numerous social, veterans’, and political organizations. The leading organization of this kind in the United States is the Polish American Congress. The most important mainstay of “Polishness” is the Church which, while performing its spiritual mission, inspires Poles to join in varied social activities. Many participants are involved in various projects and activities. Polish publishing houses, press, radio stations, and scientific institutes are flourishing. There is a Polish adult-education program. But because of the above mentioned differences, it is difficult to develop a community of interests and unity of action. Also, the press run is rather small, and the Polish printed word does not reach the wide Polonia masses, partly because they have become thoroughly Americanized.

But we must point out that the red thread which might unite us all during these difficult moments for Poland is the insight we have gained into me source of our feelings, ideas, and actions. Usually, in die long run, the goals of the individual are compatible with the common welfare. But anyone, especially a social activist, can be confronted with the dilemma of whether or not the public good should be put before private ambition, glory, or personal gain. It is clear that this process is connected with the possibly painful problem of verifying one’s social attitude and a possible change in the political ideas with which we may have traditionally identified.

The perception of this dilemma in ourselves is equivalent to throwing the glove to the most powerful opponent, our own egotism, which has a whole arsenal of powerful defensive weapons at its disposal. Undertaking this struggle is an act of the greatest heroism today. The fruit of our victory would be mutual social understanding and trust, and the results would include a strong Polonia organization.

The most successful methods have already been invented or discovered by others. Let us find out what caused the success of other ethnic groups in the West, especially in die United States - for example, Jews, Italians, and Blacks. We have to learn from their experience because the dynamics of development of modern American civilization and culture do not always provide the time or the opportunity to learn from our own mistakes (30).

Let us consider for a minute: if we could accomplish that, all financial problems would disappear. They could be solved by small Solidarity-style contributions. The help given our compatriots in Poland would be more substantial. The importance of Polish ethnic groups in many countries would grow. Cooperation with other ethnic groups could be fostered. Our influence on the politics of the governments of the countries where we settle would grow. Suitable institutes could undertake studies so as to create the new political ideas anticipating the future fall of the Soviet bloc. The proven plan of the European Common Market, for instance, may be a good example for the countries of Eastern Central Europe.

To achieve all this, we need so little. What each of us requires most today does not depend on the communists at all. It is the unceasing understanding of ourselves.

FOOTNOTES

1. According to the translation by Wanda Dynowska (Polish-Indian Library, pub. I, Bombay 1947), corrected by Leon Cyboran based on an analysis of the Sanskrit texts

2. These divisions in the sense of time and cause may often turn out to be primal. As a result of growing tensions projected onto social material, they may join together in creating the above mentioned main divisions. This agrees with the viewpoint of many Oriental and European philosophers, who say that the condition of the world is always a reflection of the condition of our minds. We may add here that with these transfers of tension, there is doubtless much interconnection and feedback, in accordance with the law of cause and effect.

3. But the individual may and should maintain a creative attitude even in the productive act, by means of total identification with his deeds. The teacher of Buddhist Zen Meditation, Roshi Philip Kapleau, says in his Zen Comments on Work, Awareness, Impermanence, Non-Self, Ego, and Language (Zen Center, Rochester, 1974) that everything we do should become a tool of our Realization; every action and movement must be completely conscious, and we should put our whole heart into it.

4. Zbigniew Brzezinski and Samuel P. Huntington introduce characteristic, albeit no longer original, analogies on productivity in a comparison of data concerning living conditions in the United States and the Soviet Union (Political Power: USA-USSR, Viking Press, New York, 1968, pp. 439-40). This work also documents the political contradictions between the two systems.

5. Interesting reading on this subject: a speech by communist leader Marian Rajski delivered during a party conference in Gdynia on May 16,1981 and published without the permission of the Polish government. The author of the speech, using extensive factual material, exposed the ways and means by which the Soviet dictatorship plundered Poland in the field of trade and industry. He also correctly introduced the CMEH as a tool of this dictatorship; it is also active in other satellite nations. (Kultura, Paris, 1981, No. 11).

6. It should be noted that this last statement, although justified in reference to agricultural countries, even though they are dependent on market outlets, does not necessarily refer to international finance. An analysis of the circulation and accumulation of capital shows that banks grant loans willingly, especially to the governments of various countries, as long as they are assured of the interest payments. This applies particularly to loans remitted in kind, without engaging any bank capital. For example, a farmer banks the money received for grain and does not take it out. Both the bank and farmer risk losing interest in case of debtor insolvency. The farmer in this case also loses his capital deposited in the bank in the form of produce passed on to the debtor; the bank will simply go bankrupt, without anyadditional loss, because it docs not have to own anything in order to conduct large credit operations, aside from relatively small sums to pay handling charges. It is manipulating the money of the farmers, who usually do not withdraw all their savings at the same time.

The bank, in order to avoid insolvency of debtors, must protect itself and them from such an eventuality; there are many ways of doing this. Both debtor and creditor are thus interrelated in a situation of potential conflict. However, they may always reach an advantageous agreement because they are united by the profit motive; the debtor nations are often severely oppressed by their own totalitarian governments. That is why an effective control of international finance activity should be in the hands of democratic countries.

The communists undoubtedly want no such control. The mere possibility of effective controls worries them and contributes to their expansionism into the countries of the free world.

The events described here are a good illustration of the dialectic law of the unity of contrasts, acting within the framework of the general law of dissociation.

7. Numerous radical thinkers have sharply exposed the contrast between unselfish love and the egotism of the human self. They call for the total rejection of egotism, not its mitigation. Here, for example, is what an outstanding Hindu philosopher and poet, Jiddu Krishnamurti, said on the subject of self and social divisions: “Every psychological condition may…change. Inborn in us is only this deep, constant drive of the brain to preserve the physical safety of the organism. The symbols are tools serving the brain to defend the psyche. That is what the process of thinking is all about. The “I” is a symbol, and not a reality. After creating this symbol the mind identifies with it and protects it. This is the source of all pain and suffering …(also)…Mind is the result of time. The conditioning serves to secure its physical safety. But if it wants to secure itself in its psyche, then the “I” is born and all our suffering begins. Psychological safety is the affirmation of the “I”. The mind can learn, it knows how to accumulate technical knowledge. But when it accumulates psychological knowledge, this knowledge changes into the “I” together with experience, will, and violence. This is the source of divisions, conflicts and sufferings in mutual relations.” (The Urgency of Change, Krishnamurti Foundation, London, 1970.)

8. We may assume that this same greedy individual would be prepared to undertake actions containing a high risk of self-extinction when faced with responsibility; in our culture, this usually takes the form of a death sentence. But this refers to a situation different from the one in this text; communism is constantly on the attack, and there is no real danger of having the defensive forces of the democratic nations unleashed against it. The elite of communist power, in spite of their propaganda, realize this very well. However, the change of influences within the elite affect those individuals whose actions are controlled by the elite itself, which is hungry for power and luxury and recognizes no other values.

9. In accordance with earlier mental experiment, inner tensions within the democratic system should also increase under such circumstances. This reaction would, however, be delayed compared with the communist system, because there is no monopoly on information in democratic countries. Therefore, the transmission of information to communist countries should not cause social tensions here. A possible future increase in tensions may be mitigated by the general development of consciousness in the democratic societies.

10. This text come from an unfinished work by Mickiewicz. Wincenty Lutoslawski writes that Mickiewicz experienced, at some time which has not been specified, a mystical vision of God, embracing the deepest mysteries of life, its entire reality; under the influence of this experience, he described it in a short unfinished poem which ended abruptly. This poem, which constitutes the memory of his unusual experience, was not published during his lifetime. Only after his death did his son discover it in his desk, and it is now included in collection under the title “Vision.” (Vision of Mickiewicz, Hejnal, Wisla, 1938).

11. This “code” cannot be treated as a collection of rules and laws. Its essential element is a certain irrational factor which produces guilt. Colloquially, we call it “conscience” or “taboo.” Leszek Kołakowski writes about a disturbing taboo: both Freud and the Bible tell us that man as we know him was formed by the ability to feel guilt, a feeling which comes not from accepting the correctness of any judgmental authority nor from any identification with a fear of punishment. It is not an intellectual measure, but the act of questioning one’s own status in the cosmic order; not the fear of revenge, but a feeling of dread in the face of one’s own actions, which have disturbed the harmony of the world. It is the fear of violating taboo, not law. The horror of my offense does not jeopardize me alone; the whole universe is endangered, thrown into chaos and uncertainty. The presence of a taboo is an irremovable pillar of any vital moral system (as distinct from a penal system), as well as an integral part of religious life. Taboo is the indispensable link between the cult of eternal reality and the knowledge of right and wrong. (Jezyk I sacrum/ Language and the Sacred, Aneks. London . 1983, no. 29-30. p. 170).

12. We also call an active, excited feeling an emotion. Its counterpart in physics may be kinetic energy. In psychology we also use the expression “psychological energy” or “libido.” They are, however, generally used in a broader or slightly different meaning that the one accepted by us here. For example, a feeling is a phenomenon of psychological energy, but this does not necessarily mean that a reverse identity occurs. The word “libido” was formerly limited to sexual energy.

13. Reluctance may simply be a desire for certain events not to occur. We have further accepted that desire is a rational feeling in a “wrapper,” which allows us to transfer it to a specific object. Maybe it is also possible to transmit or project no rational feelings, e.g. to UFO’s; but even in such cases, some rationalization occurs when these feelings reach consciousness.

14. In our reflections, we postulate that certain sets of feelings considered as different or even contradictory agree with the same kind of energy. They only differ as desires. This difference is therefore one of packaging and ethical evaluation. We are talking here of such pairs as egotistic love and hate, fear and aggressiveness, greed and generosity, envy and admiration. Each of these pairs represents a definite type of psychological energy, which can manifest itself in either positive or negative form.

15. We may imagine that this action is performed by a special psychological “computer” called a censor. (S. Freud called it the super-ego.) Its memory contains:

1) The image of the defense zone together with an established level of defense as regards relations between the objects;
2) An ethical “code” accepted by the ego, containing the domain or irrational factors inaccessible to cons- ciousness;
3) Access to the general memory, consisting of an image of the outside world.

This “computer” is endowed with operating instructions on evaluations regarding the content of desires as relates to endangering the defended area and the methodology for changing such content if this area should be endangered. The new, changed content transmitted to the individual’s consciousness is basically in agreement with the ethical “code.” The censor’s most obscure functions include its connections with the irrational zone, which is the origin of all feelings and desires, and perhaps also of the whole cosmic order of the world. Some psychologists (such as C. G. Jung) believe that the Self is also found in this zone. It is a source of life, it consists of God’s living image within man.

16. In the light of this analogy to neurosis, calling communism a sickness may produce doubts; many modern psychologists (for instance, the ones from the Frankfurt school in pre-war Germany; in Poland, Antoni Kępiński, Kazimierz Jankowski, and chiefly the School of Kazimierz Dąbrowski) do not accept neurosis as a sickness, but as a natural development of personality through its “positive disintegration.” But it might just be a question of name, not content. In a broader sense, evil is the cause of pain, and may thus be treated as a sickness. Such an understanding may favor the elimination of evil in the spirit of brotherly love, though this is the most difficult task on our present level of consciousness. The abuse of psychiatry to subdue political opponents in the Soviet Union is a pathological, cynical, and criminal parody of this action.

17. This difficulty arises from the unceasing processes of repression, projection, and psychological rationalization which occur interpersonally. These processes dominate not only our ideas and words, but also our thinking, which may become illogical and senseless, unbeknownst to us, in certain emotional situations such as marital quarrels. That is why we should not overrate or anathemise the meaning of words, or language in general. Without trying to diminish its role as a means of social communication and collecting knowledge about the world, we must be aware of the servile and inferior role language plays as regards ego-protection. All our thinking, and therefore also our language (proudly called rational and logical) are freely bent into ego-protecting functions by egotistic desires and fears. Various ideas and related words are constructed so as to serve, not to disturb, those protective functions. Disturbances and conflicts occur only when egotistical attitudes collide, i.e. when the desires of various people are contradictory or irreconcilable.

The circumstances under which such disagreement usually occurs may be interesting. For example, in the above described love union, our mutual desires of being together are fulfilled. That establishes a strong emotional connection between us. In the case of marriage, familial, material, and legal bonds are added. A whole collection of mutual desires arises, which we may now fulfill together. However, each of us has also such desires as cannot be fulfilled without harming the other person. I may, for instance, have a passion for gambling. I have semi-consciously controlled it till now because my partner hates gambling and its results are usually disastrous anyway. Now, when our union is made permanent and many passionate mutual desires have been fulfilled, this control stops functioning. If this passion of mine should prove strong enough, it will inevitably lead to conflict. Trying to escape from this predicament, I will probably point out my wife’s orPartner’s faults to her. The conflict may spread to other matters and disturb the fulfillment of our mutual goals and duties; in short, cause suffering to both of us. On the other hand, this very suffering may make me realize that the motivation for my love has been egotistical all along. If this occurs, an essential act of development of my consciousness will be accomplished, a kind of mystical initiation. I will see myself as the cause of my suffering, which is an indispensable precondition to eliminating or avoiding it. The very fact that I perceived it will mitigate the sharpness and uncompromising quality of my egotistical desires. I will become a better person.

Generalizing from this example, we may come to the conclusion that much of the suffering we rightly want to eliminate really serves to steer the development of our consciousness, like “voices” constantly calling “know thyself.” Unfortunately, we cannot usually localize this “voice.” We stubbornly try to find its sources outside, not inside, ourselves. That is how our mind is structured. We are, above all, conscious of the outside world as seen through our senses and interpreted by our minds. But the inner, psychological processes connected with ego protection usually pass by outside our sphere of consciousness.

A similar “voice” can be the pain felt upon injury. It calls our attention to the wound, lets us take care of it, and makes us remove the cause of the injury so it will not be repeated. In this instance, the injuring object is truly outside us; that is why we may see it easily with the help of our senses, which are directed toward the outside world.

18. With today’s computer developments, we may seriously consider the gradual introduction and improvement of direct democracy along the lines of the ancient agora. At first, for example, we could develop a system of instant referendums in order to undertake many basic social and national decisions.

19. Justice concerns those ideas most susceptible to motivational dissociation, since the ego there finds compensation for all the failures it suffered while trying to fulfill its egotistical desires.

While the positive “pole” of this idea fills man with greatly needed hope, courage, and trust - one might call it a divine characteristic - the negative one reeks of reprisal and revenge; we could attribute it to Satan. Reprisal and revenge satisfy the ego at the cost of causing suffering to others.

It is therefore not coincidental that we also lack appropriate operational designations for these opposite “poles.” Helping to realize the existence of these “poles” would make the process of rationalization more difficult, and the average man cannot manage his life without it. He is, after all, constantly fighting an invasion by repressed egotistical desires. The un-polarized, unclear idea of justice makes it rather easy to justify their fulfillment without disturbing the ethical “code.”

20. Mikhail Voslensky (former member of a communist elite in the Soviet Union, now in the West), in his book Nomenclature, forms the thesis that the Soviet leaders’ goal must be “annihilation of the Western system” so as to eliminate constant ideological jeopardy to their power base and domination, endangered by the very existence of the West. The validity of this thesis is confirmed by the whole order of today’s political world tensions, determined mainly by the expansionism of the Soviet bloc.

21. It was similar with a name officially introduced by the Polish government, the “Rad Union” (Zwiazek Radziecki) instead of the more precise Soviet Union . Under the pretext of making the name more Polish, they tried to avoid connections with the national aspect of Bolshevik communism, heavily masked by ideology. Let us notice that most Western languages keep the “Soviet” core of the name Soviet Union . Polish emigrants, especially Polish-Americans, have also kept it.

A more dangerous example of masking true meaning by manipulating words is the administrative and legal suppression of the word “kolkhoz.” During Stalin’s time, uttering the word was punishable by imprisonment. We had to say “Agricultural Productive Cooperative,” although the kolkhozes (collective farms) established at the time in Poland had little in common with tradition-rich Polish cooperatives.

22. Exact numbers are difficult to establish even now; estimates range from five to seven million people. Sta- tements by survivors and eye-witnesses (especially Western reporters who were able to get to the Ukraine) clearly show that the Ukrainians were starved from spring 1932 to the summer of 1934. The first signals came from the Polish border. British, French, German, and American journalists wrote about it many times. Their reports, however, were stonewalled and suppressed by Soviet propaganda. Today this affair is still given the silent treatment. A special edition of a weekly published in the United States (The Ukrainian Weekly, No. 12, 20/3/1982) contains many shocking descriptions of this crime and quotes many authoritative sources.

23. The first real information about life in the West reached the people of the Soviet Union shortly after the Second World War, when demobilized soldiers and war prisoners came home. In order to limit the undesirable results such information could have on the population, ex-soldiers remained under careful observation by the authorities, and returning POW’s were usually locked up in work camps. These events and others are described by Alexander Solzhenitsyn in the Gulag Archipelago.

24. In 1940, the Soviet security service murdered about 15,000 Polish officers taken into prisons by the Soviets during the 1939 invasion. These officers were first interned in three camps: Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov. The bodies of over 4,300 men were discovered in mass graves in Katyn Wood near Smolensk . The torture-site for the remaining victims is still unknown.

25. Carl Gustav Jung gives us a marvelous psychological analysis of the symbolism contained in the Biblical Book of Job. He shows us the way in which suffering leads to moral victory over a powerful oppressor. We may also apply the symbolism of the Book of Job to the present situation of the Polish nation. (Antwort auf Hiob/ an Answer to Job, Rasher, Zurich, 1952).

26. A deeper analysis of the causes and mechanisms governing these crises would be interesting. An attempt at such an analysis was undertaken by Stefan Kurowski. Using the Marxist idea of the so-called basic contra- diction of capitalism, occurring between production relations and the developing productive powers, he used the example of the Polish People’s Republic to expose the existence of the same contradiction in the commu- nist countries. (A lecture on doctrinal restraint of the economic development of the Polish People’s Republic presented at the meeting of the Polish Sociological Society in Warsaw in 1979; not published officially in Po- land .)

This contradiction, as we know, depends on the fact that in the capitalistic system the production relations are based on private property, while the productive powers inevitably acquire a social character. In order to avoid derivative social conflicts, Marx proposed standardizing these arrangements by socializing the means of production. But managing them demands more than mere socialization: an authentic democracy, because otherwise standardization is impossible - a power elite would simply replace the former owners. Today’s reality clearly shows that any “socialization” in the communist system is pure fiction; the contradictions still remain.

It may be worth repeating that any democratic system can only originate and develop when a society reaches a certain level of consciousness, i.e. spiritual development. This factor is neglected by Marx’s ideology and economics.

27. We are referring to a series of articles by Tadeusz Folek published in London ’s Polish Weekly (Tygodnik Polski) between February 21 and March 7, 1981 et seq.

28. Reverting to earlier portions of this work, we may notice a structural discrepancy in power between the Soviet Union and the Polish People’s Republic. From among the three possible ruling powers - the party, the secret police, and the army - the Soviet Union confers power upon the secret police, while Poland confers it on the army elite. Recent attacks by the Soviet press on the editorial content of the Polish regime weekly Polityka may be read as steps aiming at structural standardization, i.e. the transfer of power to the secret police in Poland . This does not mean that the former influence of the secret police was reduced. Their substantial activity is shown, inter alia, through many criminal provocations aiming at a further increase of tensions, which would make the transfer of power easier; the army elite will not of course surrender it willingly.

Also, there is no reason to think that the Soviets abandoned the old system of leadership and control, according to which behind every prominent person there stands a replacement, a “shadow” listening to Kremlin directives. No substantive decisions can be made without his acquiescence; both are being spied upon by others, unknown to them - people from their closest surroundings. Such a system of multi-level spying on people in high positions, tested and mandatory in the Soviet republics as well, is the result of Stalin’s well-known, cynical statement: “we must both trust and control.” Such a system quite successfully prevents most, but not all, plots against Moscow . These functions are described by a dissident and former prominent Soviet figure, Abdurakhman Avtorkhanov (The Riddle of Stalin’s Death, Posiew, Russian Publication BJ, Frankfurt/ Main, 1979).

29. This prediction was developed more fully by Andrzej Targowski in New York ’s Nowy Dziennik (New Daily, weekly supplement of Polish Review), May 19-25, 1983 .

Author’s subsequent note: It is possible that this prediction did not come true owing to the monstrous explosion which happened in the rocket magazines of the Soviet North Navy in the spring of 1984.

30. Above all, we must detect our own complexes, have a critical evaluation of some national characteristics and difficult experiences, and then courageously and creatively include these enriching experiences in the mainstream of American culture through literature, art, film, science, and technology, as well as economic, social, and political action. It is important to make this input into the welfare of this country accessible and appreciated by society as a whole. Access to even limited mass media resources (for example, The New York Times) would be indispensable. All this sounds fantastic and may seem impossible. But this input into the achievements of society overall is now a basic factor defining the long-term rank and prestige of every ethnic group. Influence and importance in political and social life thus constitute an important factor, albeit secon- dary and derivative.

We may notice here that just as understanding one’s own complexes reduces isolation, provides energy, and produces recognition in the environment, a group’s understanding of its own weaknesses and faults. coupled with a fathoming of said group’s experiences and humiliations, galvanizes this group, gives it prestige and unity, and includes it in the mainstream of the social life of a country.

We can now assume that Polish ethnic groups particularly need such cohesion. After all, increased trust and solidarity in action and open friendliness to other groups’ problems lead to the creation of a special-interest group constantly feeding its own national cultural heritage into the culture and civilization of the world as a whole.

At this point, we would like to mention Leopold Tyrmand’s incisive evaluation of Polish-American life; it is still applicable, even though it was penned several years ago. The author believes that Mr. Tyrmand’s opinion accurately characterizes the Polish-American situation and contains several concrete and proper pointers for future action. (Tu w Ameryce - czyli dobre rady dla Polaków, i.e. Here in America-Good Advice for Poles, Polish Cultural Foundation, London, 1975.)

OPINIONS ON THE BACK COVER

“I read this intelligently thought-through and excellently written work with great attentiveness.”

Alfons Hering. The Polish Weekly Gwiazda Polarna Stevens Point , USA

“This cycle of articles is interesting and stimulates discussion.”

Gustaw Herling-Grudzihski. Institute of Literature in Paris

“The book contains a series of accurate ideas and interesting observations which required a penetrating approach, sometimes even psychological analysis.”

Prof. Wenceslas J. Wagner. University of Detroit

“Erich Fromm would probably call this slim volume a diagnosis of the Eastern variety of Flight From Freedom and would most certainly recommend the same treatment as the author: man must learn to understand himself.”

Paweł Kontny. Publishing House Via in Stockholm

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